~ PREFACE ~
THE LAW, first published as a pamphlet in June,
1850, is now a hundred and fifty one years old. When a reviewer wishes to give special recognition to a book, he predicts
that it will still be read "a hundred years from now." And because its truths are eternal, it will still be read when another
century has passed. These truths are particularly true and evident today. Frédéric Bastiat was a French economist, statesman,
and author. He did most of his writing during the years just before - and immediately following -- the French Revolution of
February 1848. This was the period when France was rapidly turning to complete socialism. As a Deputy to the Legislative Assembly,
Mr. Bastiat was studying and explaining each socialist fallacy as it appeared. He explained how a system of socialism must
inevitably degenerate into a system of communism, totalitarian despotism, and from there, when the system becomes intolerably
oppressive, into lawlessness and anarchy, inevitably to revolution and war. But most of his countrymen and the world have
chosen to ignore his logic. The Federal Observer presents Bastiat's THE LAW to the Sovereign Citizens of the Web because the
same situation exists in the United States and the World today at the turn of the 21st Century as existed in the France of
1848. The same socialist-communist ideas and plans that were then adopted in France have now swept America. The explanations
and arguments then advanced against socialism by Mr. Bastiat are -- Word For Word -- equally valid today. His thoughts on
THE LAW deserve a serious hearing by all concerned and honorable citizens of the United States and the World. We cannot long
afford to continue to ignore his logic.
~ The Translation ~
This 1950 translation of THE LAW was
done fifty years ago by Dean Russell of THE FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION, INC., IRVINGTON-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK. Mr. Russell's
objective was an accurate rendering of Mr. Bastiat's words and ideas into twentieth century, idiomatic English. A nineteenth
century translation of THE LAW, made in 1853 in England by an unidentified contemporary of Mr. Bastiat, was of much value
as a check against this translation. In addition, Dean Russell had his work reviewed by Bertrand de Jouvenel, the noted French
economist, historian, and author who was also thoroughly familiar with the English language. While Mr. de Jouvenel offered
many valuable corrections and suggestions, it should be clearly understood that Mr. Russell bears full responsibility for
the translation. Copyright 1950, by Dean Russell. Permission to reprint granted without special request.
~ Frédéric Bastiat - THE LAW ~
The law perverted! And the police powers of the state perverted along with
it! The law, I say, not only turned from its proper purpose but made to follow an entirely contrary purpose! The law become
the weapon of every kind of greed! Instead of checking crime, the law itself guilty of the evils it is supposed to punish!
If this is true, it is a serious fact, and moral duty requires me to call the attention of my fellow-citizens to it.
~ Life Is a Gift from God ~
We hold from God the gift which
includes all others. This gift is life -- physical, intellectual, and moral life. But life cannot maintain itself alone. The
Creator of life has entrusted us with the responsibility of preserving, developing, and perfecting it. In order that we may
accomplish this, He has provided us with a collection of marvelous faculties. And He has put us in the midst of a variety
of natural resources. By the application of our faculties to these natural resources we convert them into products, and use
them. This process is necessary in order that life may run its appointed course. Life, faculties, production--in other words,
individuality, liberty, property -- this is man. And in spite of the cunning of artful political leaders, these three gifts
from God precede all human legislation, and are superior to it. Life, liberty, and property do not exist because men have
made laws. On the contrary, it was the fact that life, liberty, and property existed beforehand that caused men to make laws
in the first place.
~ What Is Law ? ~
What, then, is law? It is the collective
organization of the individual right to lawful defense. Each of us has a natural right--from God--to defend his person, his
liberty, and his property. These are the three basic requirements of life, and the preservation of any one of them is completely
dependent upon the preservation of the other two. For what are our faculties but the extension of our individuality? And what
is property but an extension of our faculties?
If every person has the right to defend -- even by force -- his person,
his liberty, and his property, then it follows that a group of men have the right to organize and support a common force to
protect these rights constantly. Thus the principle of collective right -- its reason for existing, its lawfulness -- is based
on individual right. And the common force that protects this collective right cannot logically have any other purpose or any
other mission than that for which it acts as a substitute. Thus, since an individual cannot lawfully use force against the
person, liberty, or property of another individual, then the common force -- for the same reason -- cannot lawfully be used
to destroy the person, liberty, or property of individuals or groups. Such a perversion of force would be, in both cases,
contrary to our premise. Force has been given to us to defend our own individual rights. Who will dare to say that force has
been given to us to destroy the equal rights of our brothers? Since no individual acting separately can lawfully use force
to destroy the rights of others, does it not logically follow that the same principle also applies to the common force that
is nothing more than the organized combination of the individual forces?
If this is true, then nothing can be more evident than this: The law is
the organization of the natural right of lawful defense. It is the substitution of a common force for individual forces. And
this common force is to do only what the individual forces have a natural and lawful right to do: to protect persons, liberties,
and properties; to maintain the right of each, and to cause justice to reign over us all.
~ A Just and Enduring Government ~
If a nation were founded
on this basis, it seems to me that order would prevail among the people, in thought as well as in deed. It seems to me that
such a nation would have the most simple, easy to accept, economical, limited, nonoppressive, just, and enduring government
imaginable -- whatever its political form might be. Under such an administration, everyone would understand that he possessed
all the privileges as well as all the responsibilities of his existence. No one would have any argument with government, provided
that his person was respected, his labor was free, and the fruits of his labor were protected against all unjust attack. When
successful, we would not have to thank the state for our success. And, conversely, when unsuccessful, we would no more think
of blaming the state for our misfortune than would the farmers blame the state because of hail or frost. The state would be
felt only by the invaluable blessings of safety provided by this concept of government.
It can be further stated that, thanks to the non-intervention of the state
in private affairs, our wants and their satisfactions would develop themselves in a logical manner. We would not see poor
families seeking literary instruction before they have bread. We would not see cities populated at the expense of rural districts,
nor rural districts at the expense of cities. We would not see the great displacements of capital, labor, and population that
are caused by legislative decisions. The sources of our existence are made uncertain and precarious by these state-created
displacements. And, furthermore, these acts burden the government with increased responsibilities.
~ The Complete Perversion of the Law ~
But, unfortunately,
law by no means confines itself to its proper functions. And when it has exceeded its proper functions, it has not done so
merely in some inconsequential and debatable matters. The law has gone further than this; it has acted in direct opposition
to its own purpose. The law has been used to destroy its own objective: It has been applied to annihilating the justice that
it was supposed to maintain; to limiting and destroying rights which its real purpose was to respect. The law has placed the
collective force at the disposal of the unscrupulous who wish, without risk, to exploit the person, liberty, and property
of others. It has converted plunder into a right, in order to protect plunder. And it has converted lawful defense into a
crime, in order to punish lawful defense. How has this perversion of the law been accomplished? And what have been the results?
The law has been perverted by the influence of two entirely different causes:
stupid greed and false philanthropy. Let us speak of the first.
~ A Fatal Tendency of Mankind ~
Self-preservation and self-development
are common aspirations among all people. And if everyone enjoyed the unrestricted use of his faculties and the free disposition
of the fruits of his labor, social progress would be ceaseless, uninterrupted, and unfailing. But there is also another tendency
that is common among people. When they can, they wish to live and prosper at the expense of others. This is no rash accusation.
Nor does it come from a gloomy and uncharitable spirit. The annals of history bear witness to the truth of it: the incessant
wars, mass migrations, religious persecutions, universal slavery, dishonesty in commerce, and monopolies. This fatal desire
has its origin in the very nature of man -- in that primitive, universal, and insuppressible instinct that impels him to satisfy
his desires with the least possible pain.
~ Property and Plunder ~
Man can live and satisfy his wants
only by ceaseless labor; by the ceaseless application of his faculties to natural resources. This process is the origin of
property. But it is also true that a man may live and satisfy his wants by seizing and consuming the products of the labor
of others. This process is the origin of plunder. Now since man is naturally inclined to avoid pain -- and since labor is
pain in itself -- it follows that men will resort to plunder whenever plunder is easier than work. History shows this quite
clearly. And under these conditions, neither religion nor morality can stop it. When, then, does plunder stop? It stops when
it becomes more painful and more dangerous than labor.
It is evident, then, that the proper purpose of law is to use the power
of its collective force to stop this fatal tendency to plunder instead of to work. All the measures of the law should protect
property and punish plunder.
But, generally, the law is made by one man or one class of men. And since
law cannot operate without the sanction and support of a dominating force, this force must be entrusted to those who make
the laws.
This fact, combined with the fatal tendency that exists in the heart of
man to satisfy his wants with the least possible effort, explains the almost universal perversion of the law. Thus it is easy
to understand how law, instead of checking injustice, becomes the invincible weapon of injustice. It is easy to understand
why the law is used by the legislator to destroy in varying degrees among the rest of the people, their personal independence
by slavery, their liberty by oppression, and their property by plunder. This is done for the benefit of the person who makes
the law, and in proportion to the power that he holds.
~ Victims of Lawful Plunder ~
Men naturally rebel against
the injustice of which they are victims. Thus, when plunder is organized by law for the profit of those who make the law,
all the plundered classes try somehow to enter -- by peaceful or revolutionary means -- into the making of laws. According
to their degree of enlightenment, these plundered classes may propose one of two entirely different purposes when they attempt
to attain political power: Either they may wish to stop lawful plunder, or they may wish to share in it.
Woe to the nation when the latter purpose prevails among the mass victims
of lawful plunder when they, in turn, seize the power to make laws!
Until that happens, the few practice lawful plunder upon the many, a common
practice where the right to participate in the making of law is limited to a few persons. But then, participation in the making
of law becomes universal. And then, men seek to balance their conflicting interests by universal plunder. Instead of rooting
out the injustices found in society, they make these injustices general. As soon as the plundered classes gain political power,
they establish a system of reprisals against other classes. They do not abolish legal plunder. (This objective would demand
more enlightenment than they possess.) Instead, they emulate their evil predecessors by participating in this legal plunder,
even though it is against their own interests.
It is as if it were necessary, before a reign of justice appears, for everyone
to suffer a cruel retribution -- some for their evilness, and some for their lack of understanding.
~ The Results of Legal Plunder ~
It is impossible to introduce
into society a greater change and a greater evil than this: the conversion of the law into an instrument of plunder. What
are the consequences of such a perversion? It would require volumes to describe them all. Thus we must content ourselves with
pointing out the most striking.
In the first place, it erases from everyone's conscience the distinction
between justice and injustice.
No society can exist unless the laws are respected to a certain degree.
The safest way to make laws respected is to make them respectable. When law and morality contradict each other, the citizen
has the cruel alternative of either losing his moral sense or losing his respect for the law. These two evils are of equal
consequence, and it would be difficult for a person to choose between them.
The nature of law is to maintain justice. This is so much the case that,
in the minds of the people, law and justice are one and the same thing. There is in all of us a strong disposition to believe
that anything lawful is also legitimate. This belief is so widespread that many persons have erroneously held that things
are "just" because law makes them so. Thus, in order to make plunder appear just and sacred to many consciences, it is only
necessary for the law to decree and sanction it. Slavery, restrictions, and monopoly find defenders not only among those who
profit from them but also among those who suffer from them.
~ The Fate of Non-Conformists ~
If you suggest a doubt
as to the morality of these institutions, it is boldly said that "You are a dangerous innovator, a utopian, a theorist, a
subversive; you would shatter the foundation upon which society rests." If you lecture upon morality or upon political science,
there will be found official organizations petitioning the government in this vein of thought: "That science no longer
be taught exclusively from the point of view of free trade (of liberty, of property, and of justice) as has been the case
until now, but also, in the future, science is to be especially taught from the viewpoint of the facts and laws that regulate
French industry (facts and laws which are contrary to liberty, to property, and to justice). That, in government-endowed teaching
positions, the professor rigorously refrain from endangering in the slightest degree the respect due to the laws now in force."
- General Council of Manufacturers, Agriculture, and Commerce, May 6, 1850.
Thus, if there exists a law which sanctions slavery or monopoly, oppression
or robbery, in any form whatever, it must not even be mentioned. For how can it be mentioned without damaging the respect
which it inspires? Still further, morality and political economy must be taught from the point of view of this law; from the
supposition that it must be a just law merely because it is a law. Another effect of this tragic perversion of the law is
that it gives an exaggerated importance to political passions and conflicts, and to politics in general. I could prove this
assertion in a thousand ways. But, by way of illustration, I shall limit myself to a subject that has lately occupied the
minds of everyone: universal suffrage.
~ Who Shall Judge? ~
The followers of Rousseau's school
of thought -- who consider themselves far advanced, but whom I consider twenty centuries behind the times -- will not agree
with me on this. But universal suffrage -- using the word in its strictest sense -- is not one of those sacred dogmas which
it is a crime to examine or doubt. In fact, serious objections may be made to universal suffrage. In the first place, the
word universal conceals a gross fallacy. For example, there are 36 million people in France. Thus, to make the right of suffrage
universal, there should be 36 million voters. But the most extended system permits only 9 million people to vote. Three persons
out of four are excluded. And more than this, they are excluded by the fourth. This fourth person advances the principle of
incapacity as his reason for excluding the others.
Universal suffrage means, then, universal suffrage for those who are capable.
But there remains this question of fact: Who is capable? Are minors, females, insane persons, and persons who have committed
certain major crimes the only ones to be determined incapable?
~ The Reason Why Voting Is Restricted ~
A closer examination
of the subject shows us the motive which causes the right of suffrage to be based upon the supposition of incapacity. The
motive is that the elector or voter does not exercise this right for himself alone, but for everybody. The most extended elective
system and the most restricted elective system are alike in this respect. They differ only in respect to what constitutes
incapacity. It is not a difference of principle, but merely a difference of degree. If, as the republicans of our present-day
Greek and Roman schools of thought pretend, the right of suffrage arrives with one's birth, it would be an injustice for adults
to prevent women and children from voting. Why are they prevented? Because they are presumed to be incapable. And why is incapacity
a motive for exclusion? Because it is not the voter alone who suffers the consequences of his vote; because each vote touches
and affects everyone in the entire community; because the people in the community have a right to demand some safeguards concerning
the acts upon which their welfare and existence depend.
~ The Answer Is to Restrict the Law ~
I know what might
be said in answer to this; what the objections might be. But this is not the place to exhaust a controversy of this nature.
I wish merely to observe here that this controversy over universal suffrage (as well as most other political questions) which
agitates, excites, and overthrows nations, would lose nearly all of its importance if the law had always been what it ought
to be. In fact, if law were restricted to protecting all persons, all liberties, and all properties; if law were nothing more
than the organized combination of the individual's right to self defense; if law were the obstacle, the check, the punisher
of all oppression and plunder -- is it likely that we citizens would then argue much about the extent of the franchise?
Under these circumstances, is it likely that the extent of the right to
vote would endanger that supreme good, the public peace? Is it likely that the excluded classes would refuse to peaceably
await the coming of their right to vote? Is it likely that those who had the right to vote would jealously defend their privilege?
If the law were confined to its proper functions, everyone's interest in
the law would be the same. Is it not clear that, under these circumstances, those who voted could not inconvenience those
who did not vote?
~ The Fatal Idea of Legal Plunder ~
But on the other hand,
imagine that this fatal principle has been introduced: Under the pretense of organization, regulation, protection, or encouragement,
the law takes property from one person and gives it to another; the law takes the wealth of all and gives it to a few -- whether
farmers, manufacturers, shipowners, artists, or comedians. Under these circumstances, then certainly every class will aspire
to grasp the law, and logically so. The excluded classes will furiously demand their right to vote -- and will overthrow society
rather than not to obtain it. Even beggars and vagabonds will then prove to you that they also have an incontestable title
to vote. They will say to you: "We cannot buy wine, tobacco, or salt without paying the tax. And a part of the tax that we
pay is given by law -- in privileges and subsidies -- to men who are richer than we are. Others use the law to raise the prices
of bread, meat, iron, or cloth. Thus, since everyone else uses the law for his own profit, we also would like to use the law
for our own profit. We demand from the law the right to relief, which is the poor man's plunder. To obtain this right, we
also should be voters and legislators in order that we may organize Beggary on a grand scale for our own class, as you have
organized Protection on a grand scale for your class. Now don't tell us beggars that you will act for us, and then toss us,
as Mr. Mimerel proposes, 600,000 francs to keep us quiet, like throwing us a bone to gnaw. We have other claims. And anyway,
we wish to bargain for ourselves as other classes have bargained for themselves!"
And what can you say to answer that argument!
~ Perverted Law Causes Conflict ~
As long as it is admitted
that the law may be diverted from its true purpose -- that it may violate property instead of protecting it -- then everyone
will want to participate in making the law, either to protect himself against plunder or to use it for plunder. Political
questions will always be prejudicial, dominant, and all-absorbing. There will be fighting at the door of the Legislative Palace,
and the struggle within will be no less furious. To know this, it is hardly necessary to examine what transpires in the French
and English legislatures; merely to understand the issue is to know the answer. Is there any need to offer proof that this
odious perversion of the law is a perpetual source of hatred and discord; that it tends to destroy society itself? If such
proof is needed, look at the United States [in 1850]. There is no country in the world where the law is kept more within its
proper domain: the protection of every person's liberty and property. As a consequence of this, there appears to be no country
in the world where the social order rests on a firmer foundation. But even in the United States, there are two issues -- and
only two -- that have always endangered the public peace.
Editor's Note - Bastiat's statement of 1850 is not true today,
as legal plunder and socialism have become the norm in the United States since the introduction of the Federal Reserve Act
and the ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1913, and cemented in place, systematized, by the Emergency
Powers and Banking Act of March 9, 1933.
~ Slavery and Tariffs Are Plunder ~
What are these two
issues? They are slavery and tariffs. These are the only two issues where, contrary to the general spirit of the republic
of the United States, law has assumed the character of plunder. Slavery is a violation, by law, of liberty. The protective
tariff is a violation, by law, of property. Its is a most remarkable fact that this double legal crime - a sorrowful inheritance
of the Old World - should be the only issue which can, and perhaps will, lead to the ruin of the Union. It is indeed impossible
to imagine, at the very heart of a society, a more astounding fact than this: The law has come to be an instrument of injustice.
And if this fact brings terrible consequences to the United States - where legal plunder exists only in the instances of slavery
and tariffs - what must be the consequences in Europe, where the perversion of law is a principle; a system?
~ Two Kinds of Plunder ~
Mr. de Montalembert [politician
and writer] adopting the thought contained in a famous proclamation by Mr. Carlier, has said: "We must make war against socialism."
According to the definition of socialism advanced by Mr. Charles Dupin, he meant: "We must make war against plunder." But
of what plunder was he speaking? For there are two kinds of plunder: Legal and Illegal.
I do not think that illegal plunder, such as theft or swindling -- which
the penal code defines, anticipates, and punishes -- can be called socialism. It is not this kind of plunder that systematically
threatens the foundations of society. Anyway, the war against this kind of plunder has not waited for the command of these
gentlemen. The war against illegal plunder has been fought since the beginning of the world. Long before the Revolution of
February 1848 -- long before the appearance even of socialism itself -- France had provided police, judges, gendarmes, prisons,
dungeons, and scaffolds for the purpose of fighting illegal plunder. The law itself conducts this war, and it is my wish and
opinion that the law should always maintain this attitude toward plunder.
~ The Law Defends Plunder ~
But it does not always do this.
Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Thus the beneficiaries are spared the shame, danger, and scruple
which their acts would otherwise involve. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons, and gendarmes
at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim -- when he defends himself -- as a criminal. In short, there is a
legal plunder, and it is of this, no doubt, that Mr. de Montalembert speaks. This legal plunder may be only an isolated stain
among the legislative measures of the people. If so, it is best to wipe it out with a minimum of speeches and denunciations
-- and in spite of the uproar of the vested interests.
~ How to Identify Legal Plunder ~
But how is this legal
plunder to be identified? Quite simply. See if the law takes from some persons what belongs to them, and gives it to other
persons to whom it does not belong. See if the law benefits one citizen at the expense of another by doing what the citizen
himself cannot do without committing a crime. Then abolish this law without delay, for it is not only an evil itself, but
also it is a fertile source for further evils because it invites reprisals. If such a law -- which may be an isolated case
-- is not abolished immediately, it will spread, multiply, and develop into a system.
The person who profits from this law will complain bitterly, defending
his acquired rights. He will claim that the state is obligated to protect and encourage his particular industry; that this
procedure enriches the state because the protected industry is thus able to spend more and to pay higher wages to the poor
workingmen.
Do not listen to this sophistry by vested interests. The acceptance of
these arguments will build legal plunder into a whole system. In fact, this has already occurred. The present-day delusion
is an attempt to enrich everyone at the expense of everyone else; to make plunder universal under the pretense of organizing
it.
~ Legal Plunder Has Many Names ~
Now, legal plunder can
be committed in an infinite number of ways. Thus we have an infinite number of plans for organizing it: tariffs, protection,
benefits, subsidies, encouragements, progressive taxation, public schools, guaranteed jobs, guaranteed profits, minimum wages,
a right to relief, a right to the tools of labor, free credit, and so on, and so on. All these plans as a whole --with their
common aim of legal plunder -- constitute socialism. Now, since under this definition socialism is a body of doctrine, what
attack can be made against it other than a war of doctrine? If you find this socialistic doctrine to be false, absurd, and
evil, then refute it. And the more false, the more absurd, and the more evil it is, the easier it will be to refute. Above
all, if you wish to be strong, begin by rooting out every particle of socialism that may have crept into your legislation.
This will be no light task.
~ Socialism Is Legal Plunder ~
Mr. de Montalembert has
been accused of desiring to fight socialism by the use of brute force. He ought to be exonerated from this accusation, for
he has plainly said: "The war that we must fight against socialism must be in harmony with law, honor, and justice." But why
does not Mr. de Montalembert see that he has placed himself in a vicious circle? You would use the law to oppose socialism?
But it is upon the law that socialism itself relies. Socialists desire to practice legal plunder, not illegal plunder. Socialists,
like all other monopolists, desire to make the law their own weapon. And when once the law is on the side of socialism, how
can it be used against socialism? For when plunder is abetted by the law, it does not fear your courts, your gendarmes, and
your prisons. Rather, it may call upon them for help. To prevent this, you would exclude socialism from entering into the
making of laws? You would prevent socialists from entering the Legislative Palace? You shall not succeed, I predict, so long
as legal plunder continues to be the main business of the legislature. It is illogical -- in fact, absurd -- to assume otherwise.
~ The Choice Before Us ~
This question of legal plunder
must be settled once and for all, and there are only three ways to settle it:
1. The few plunder the many.
2.
Everybody plunders everybody.
3. Nobody plunders anybody. We must make our choice among limited plunder, universal
plunder, and no plunder. The law can follow only one of these three.
Limited legal plunder
This system prevailed
when the right to vote was restricted. One would turn back to this system to prevent the invasion of socialism.
Universal
legal plunder
We have been threatened with this system since the franchise was made universal. The newly enfranchised
majority has decided to formulate law on the same principle of legal plunder that was used by their predecessors when the
vote was limited.
No legal plunder
This is the principle of justice, peace, order, stability, harmony, and logic.
Until the day of my death, I shall proclaim this principle with all the force of my lungs (which alas! is all too inadequate).*
*Translator's note: At the time this was written, Mr. Bastiat
knew that he was dying of tuberculosis. Within a year, he was dead.
~ The Proper Function of the Law ~
And, in all sincerity,
can anything more than the absence of plunder be required of the law? Can the law -- which necessarily requires the use of
force -- rationally be used for anything except protecting the rights of everyone? I defy anyone to extend it beyond this
purpose without perverting it and, consequently, turning might against right. This is the most fatal and most illogical social
perversion that can possibly be imagined. It must be admitted that the true solution -- so long searched for in the area of
social relationships -- is contained in these simple words: Law is organized justice. Now this must be said: When justice
is organized by law -- that is, by force -- this excludes the idea of using law (force) to organize any human activity whatever,
whether it be labor, charity, agriculture, commerce, industry, education, art, or religion. The organizing by law of any one
of these would inevitably destroy the essential organization -- justice. For truly, how can we imagine force being used against
the liberty of citizens without it also being used against justice, and thus acting against its proper purpose?
~ The Seductive Lure of Socialism ~
Here I encounter the
most popular fallacy of our times. It is not considered sufficient that the law should be just; it must be philanthropic.
Nor is it sufficient that the law should guarantee to every citizen the free and inoffensive use of his faculties for physical,
intellectual, and moral self-improvement. Instead, it is demanded that the law should directly extend welfare, education,
and morality throughout the nation. This is the seductive lure of socialism. And I repeat again: These two uses of the law
are in direct contradiction to each other. We must choose between them. A citizen cannot at the same time be free and not
free.
~ Enforced Fraternity Destroys Liberty ~
Mr. de Lamartine
once wrote to me thusly: "Your doctrine is only the half of my program. You have stopped at liberty; I go on to fraternity."
I answered him: "The second half of your program will destroy the first." In fact, it is impossible for me to separate the
word fraternity from the word voluntary. I cannot possibly understand how fraternity can be legally enforced without liberty
being legally destroyed, and thus justice being legally trampled underfoot. Legal plunder has two roots: One of them, as I
have said before, is in human greed; the other is in false philanthropy.
At this point, I think that I should explain exactly what I mean
by the word plunder.*
* Translator's note: The French word used by Mr. Bastiat is
spoliation, meaning to rob, plunder or despoil, to deprive of something by force of law.
~ Plunder Violates Ownership ~
I do not, as is often done,
use the word in any vague, uncertain, approximate, or metaphorical sense. I use it in its scientific acceptance -- as expressing
the idea opposite to that of property [wages, land, money, or whatever]. When a portion of wealth is transferred from the
person who owns it -- without his consent and without compensation, and whether by force or by fraud -- to anyone who does
not own it, then I say that property is violated; that an act of plunder is committed. I say that this act is exactly what
the law is supposed to suppress, always and everywhere. When the law itself commits this act that it is supposed to suppress,
I say that plunder is still committed, and I add that from the point of view of society and welfare, this aggression against
rights is even worse. In this case of legal plunder, however, the person who receives the benefits is not responsible for
the act of plundering. The responsibility for this legal plunder rests with the law, the legislator, and society itself. Therein
lies the political danger.
It is to be regretted that the word plunder is offensive. I have tried
in vain to find an inoffensive word, for I would not at any time -- especially now -- wish to add an irritating word to our
dissentions. Thus, whether I am believed or not, I declare that I do not mean to attack the intentions or the morality of
anyone. Rather, I am attacking an idea which I believe to be false; a system which appears to me to be unjust; an injustice
so independent of personal intentions that each of us profits from it without wishing to do so, and suffers from it without
knowing the cause of the suffering.
~ Three Systems of Plunder ~
The sincerity of those who
advocate protectionism, socialism, and communism is not here questioned. Any writer who would do that must be influenced by
a political spirit or a political fear. It is to be pointed out, however, that protectionism, socialism, and communism are
basically the same plant in three different stages of its growth. All that can be said is that legal plunder is more visible
in communism because it is complete plunder; and in protectionism because the plunder is limited to specific groups and industries.
* Thus it follows that, of the three systems, socialism is the vaguest, the most indecisive, and, consequently, the
most sincere stage of development.
* If the special privilege of government protection against
competition -- a monopoly -- were granted only to one group in France, the iron workers, for instance, this act would so obviously
be legal plunder that it could not last for long. It is for this reason that we see all the protected trades combined into
a common cause. They even organize themselves in such a manner as to appear to represent all persons who labor. Instinctively,
they feel that legal plunder is concealed by generalizing it. But sincere or insincere, the intentions of persons are not
here under question. In fact, I have already said that legal plunder is based partially on philanthropy, even though it is
a false philanthropy.
With this explanation, let us examine the value -- the origin and the tendency
-- of this popular aspiration which claims to accomplish the general welfare by general plunder.
~ Law Is Force ~
Since the law organizes justice, the socialists
ask why the law should not also organize labor, education, and religion. Why should not law be used for these purposes? Because
it could not organize labor, education, and religion without destroying justice. We must remember that law is force, and that,
consequently, the proper functions of the law cannot lawfully extend beyond the proper functions of force.
When law and force keep a person within the bounds of justice, they impose
nothing but a mere negation. They oblige him only to abstain from harming others. They violate neither his personality, his
liberty, nor his property. They safeguard all of these. They are defensive; they defend equally the rights of all.
Editor's Note: Here Bastiat is echoing Paine's view that the
code of government should be that of the legendary King Pausole, who prescribed but two laws for his subjects, the first being,
Hurt no man, and the second, Then do as you please; and that the whole business of government should be the purely negative
one of seeing that this code is carried out.
~ Law Is a Negative Concept ~
The harmlessness of the mission
performed by law and lawful defense is self-evident; the usefulness is obvious; and the legitimacy cannot be disputed. As
a friend of mine once remarked, this negative concept of law is so true that the statement, the purpose of the law is to cause
justice to reign, is not a rigorously accurate statement. It ought to be stated that the purpose of the law is to prevent
injustice from reigning. In fact, it is injustice, instead of justice, that has an existence of its own. Justice is achieved
only when injustice is absent. But when the law, by means of its necessary agent, force, imposes upon men a regulation of
labor, a method or a subject of education, a religious faith or creed -- then the law is no longer negative; it acts positively
upon people. It substitutes the will of the legislator for their own wills; the initiative of the legislator for their own
initiatives. When this happens, the people no longer need to discuss, to compare, to plan ahead; the law does all this for
them. Intelligence becomes a useless prop for the people; they cease to be men; they lose their personality, their liberty,
their property. Try to imagine a regulation of labor imposed by force that is not a violation of liberty; a transfer of wealth
imposed by force that is not a violation of property. If you cannot reconcile these contradictions, then you must conclude
that the law cannot organize labor and industry without organizing injustice.
~ The Political Approach ~
When a politician views society
from the seclusion of his office, he is struck by the spectacle of the inequality that he sees. He deplores the deprivations
which are the lot of so many of our brothers, deprivations which appear to be even sadder when contrasted with luxury and
wealth. Perhaps the politician should ask himself whether this state of affairs has not been caused by old conquests and lootings,
and by more recent legal plunder. Perhaps he should consider this proposition: Since all persons seek well-being and perfection,
would not a condition of justice be sufficient to cause the greatest efforts toward progress, and the greatest possible equality
that is compatible with individual responsibility? Would not this be in accord with the concept of individual responsibility
which God has willed in order that mankind may have the choice between vice and virtue, and the resulting punishment and reward?
But the politician never gives this a thought. His mind turns to organizations,
combinations, and arrangements -- legal or apparently legal. He attempts to remedy the evil by increasing and perpetuating
the very thing that caused the evil in the first place: legal plunder. We have seen that justice is a negative concept. Is
there even one of these positive legal actions that does not contain the principle of plunder?
~ The Law and Charity ~
You say: "There are persons who
have no money," and you turn to the law. But the law is not a breast that fills itself with milk. Nor are the lacteal veins
of the law supplied with milk from a source outside the society. Nothing can enter the public treasury for the benefit of
one citizen or one class unless other citizens and other classes have been forced to send it in. If every person draws from
the treasury the amount that he has put in it, it is true that the law then plunders nobody. But this procedure does nothing
for the persons who have no money. It does not promote equality of income. The law can be an instrument of equalization only
as it takes from some persons and gives to other persons. When the law does this, it is an instrument of plunder. With this
in mind, examine the protective tariffs, subsidies, guaranteed profits, guaranteed jobs, relief and welfare schemes, public
education, progressive taxation, free credit, and public works. You will find that they are always based on legal plunder,
organized injustice.
~ The Law and Education ~
You say: "There are persons who
lack education," and you turn to the law. But the law is not, in itself, a torch of learning which shines its light abroad.
The law extends over a society where some persons have knowledge and others do not; where some citizens need to learn, and
others can teach. In this matter of education, the law has only two alternatives: It can permit this transaction of teaching
- and - learning to operate freely and without the use of force, or it can force human wills in this matter by taking from
some of them enough to pay the teachers who are appointed by government to instruct others, without charge. But in this second
case, the law commits legal plunder by violating liberty and property.
~ The Law and Morals ~
You say: "Here are persons who are
lacking in morality or religion," and you turn to the law. But law is force. And need I point out what a violent and futile
effort it is to use force in the matters of morality and religion? It would seem that socialists, however self-complacent,
could not avoid seeing this monstrous legal plunder that results from such systems and such efforts. But what do the socialists
do? They cleverly disguise this legal plunder from others -- and even from themselves -- under the seductive names of fraternity,
unity, organization, and association. Because we ask so little from the law -- only justice -- the socialists thereby assume
that we reject fraternity, unity, organization, and association. The socialists brand us with the name individualist. But
we assure the socialists that we repudiate only forced organization, not natural organization. We repudiate the forms of association
that are forced upon us, not free association. We repudiate forced fraternity, not true fraternity. We repudiate the artificial
unity that does nothing more than deprive persons of individual responsibility. We do not repudiate the natural unity of mankind
under Providence.
~ A Confusion of Terms ~
Socialism, like the ancient ideas
from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object
to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all.
We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed
to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced
equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of
not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.
~ The Influence of Socialist Writers ~
How did politicians
ever come to believe this weird idea that the law could be made to produce what it does not contain -- the wealth, science,
and religion that, in a positive sense, constitute prosperity? Is it due to the influence of our modern writers on public
affairs? Present-day writers -- especially those of the socialist school of thought -- base their various theories upon one
common hypothesis: They divide mankind into two parts. People in general -- with the exception of the writer himself -- form
the first group. The writer, all alone, forms the second and most important group. Surely this is the weirdest and most conceited
notion that ever entered a human brain! In fact, these writers on public affairs begin by supposing that people have within
themselves no means of discernment; no motivation to action. The writers assume that people are inert matter, passive particles,
motionless atoms, at best a kind of vegetation indifferent to its own manner of existence. They assume that people are susceptible
to being shaped -- by the will and hand of another person -- into an infinite variety of forms, more or less symmetrical,
artistic, and perfected. Moreover, not one of these writers on governmental affairs hesitates to imagine that he himself --
under the title of organizer, discoverer, legislator, or founder -- is this will and hand, this universal motivating force,
this creative power whose sublime mission is to mold these scattered materials -- persons -- into a society. These socialist
writers look upon people in the same manner that the gardener views his trees. Just as the gardener capriciously shapes the
trees into pyramids, parasols, cubes, vases, fans, and other forms, just so does the socialist writer whimsically shape human
beings into groups, series, centers, sub-centers, honeycombs, labor corps, and other variations. And just as the gardener
needs axes, pruning hooks, saws, and shears to shape his trees, just so does the socialist writer need the force that he can
find only in law to shape human beings. For this purpose, he devises tariff laws, tax laws, relief laws, and school laws.
~ The Socialists Wish to Play God ~
Socialists look upon
people as raw material to be formed into social combinations. This is so true that, if by chance, the socialists have any
doubts about the success of these combinations, they will demand that a small portion of mankind be set aside to experiment
upon. The popular idea of trying all systems is well known. And one socialist leader has been known seriously to demand that
the Constituent Assembly give him a small district with all its inhabitants, to try his experiments upon. In the same manner,
an inventor makes a model before he constructs the full-sized machine; the chemist wastes some chemicals -- the farmer wastes
some seeds and land -- to try out an idea. But what a difference there is between the gardener and his trees, between the
inventor and his machine, between the chemist and his elements, between the farmer and his seeds! And in all sincerity, the
socialist thinks that there is the same difference between him and mankind! It is no wonder that the writers of the nineteenth
century look upon society as an artificial creation of the legislator's genius. This idea -- the fruit of classical education
-- has taken possession of all the intellectuals and famous writers of our country. To these intellectuals and writers, the
relationship between persons and the legislator appears to be the same as the relationship between the clay and the potter.
Moreover, even where they have consented to recognize a principle of action in the heart of man -- and a principle of discernment
in man's intellect -- they have considered these gifts from God to be fatal gifts. They have thought that persons, under the
impulse of these two gifts, would fatally tend to ruin themselves. They assume that if the legislators left persons free to
follow their own inclinations, they would arrive at atheism instead of religion, ignorance instead of knowledge, poverty instead
of production and exchange.
~ The Socialists Despise Mankind ~
According to these writers,
it is indeed fortunate that Heaven has bestowed upon certain men -- governors and legislators -- the exact opposite inclinations,
not only for their own sake but also for the sake of the rest of the world! While mankind tends toward evil, the legislators
yearn for good; while mankind advances toward darkness, the legislators aspire for enlightenment; while mankind is drawn toward
vice, the legislators are attracted toward virtue.
Since they have decided that this is the true state of affairs, they then
demand the use of force in order to substitute their own inclinations for those of the human race.
Open at random any book on philosophy, politics, religion or history, and
you will probably see how deeply rooted in our country is this idea -- the child of classical studies, the mother of socialism.
In all of them, you will probably find this idea that mankind is merely inert matter, receiving life, organization, morality,
and prosperity from the power of the state. And even worse, it will be stated that mankind tends toward degeneration, and
is stopped from this downward course only by the mysterious hand of the legislator. Conventional classical thought everywhere
says that behind passive society there is a concealed power called law or legislator (or called by some other terminology
that designates some unnamed person or persons of undisputed influence and authority) which moves, controls, benefits, and
improves mankind.
~ A Defense of Compulsory Labor ~
Let us first consider
a quotation from Bossuet [tutor to the Dauphin in the Court of Louis XIV]:* "One of the things most strongly impressed
(by whom?) upon the minds of the Egyptians was patriotism.... No one was permitted to be useless to the state. The law assigned
to each one his work, which was handed down from father to son. No one was permitted to have two professions. Nor could a
person change from one job to another.... But there was one task to which all were forced to conform: the study of the laws
and of wisdom. Ignorance of religion and of the political regulations of the country was not excused under any circumstances.
Moreover, each occupation was assigned (by whom?) to a certain district.... Among the good laws, one of the best was that
everyone was trained (by whom?) to obey them. As a result of this, Egypt was filled with wonderful inventions, and nothing
was neglected that could make life easy and quiet"
* Translator's note: The parenthetical expressions and the
italicized words throughout this book were supplied by Mr. Bastiat. All subheads and bracketed material were supplied by the
translator. Thus, according to Bossuet, persons derive nothing from themselves. Patriotism, prosperity, inventions, husbandry,
science -- all of these are given to the people by the operation of the laws, the rulers. All that the people have to do is
to bow to leadership.
~ A Defense of Paternal Government ~
Bossuet carries this
idea of the state as the source of all progress even so far as to defend the Egyptians against the charge that they rejected
wrestling and music. He said: "How is that possible? These arts were invented by Trismegistus [who was alleged to have been
Chancellor to the Egyptian god Osiris]". And again among the Persians, Bossuet claims that all comes from above: "One of the
first responsibilities of the prince was to encourage agriculture.... Just as there were offices established for the regulation
of armies, just so were there offices for the direction of farm work.... The Persian people were inspired with an overwhelming
respect for royal authority." And according to Bossuet, the Greek people, although exceedingly intelligent, had no sense of
personal responsibility; like dogs and horses, they themselves could not have invented the most simple games: "The Greeks,
naturally intelligent and courageous, had been early cultivated by the kings and settlers who had come from Egypt. From these
Egyptian rulers, the Greek people had learned bodily exercises, foot races, and horse and chariot races.... But the best thing
that the Egyptians had taught the Greeks was to become docile, and to permit themselves to be formed by the law for the public
good."
~ The Idea of Passive Mankind ~
It cannot be disputed that
these classical theories [advanced by these latter-day teachers, writers, legislators, economists, and philosophers] held
that everything came to the people from a source outside themselves. As another example, take Fenelon [archbishop, author,
and instructor to the Duke of Burgundy]. He was a witness to the power of Louis XIV. This, plus the fact that he was nurtured
in the classical studies and the admiration of antiquity, naturally caused Fenelon to accept the idea that mankind should
be passive; that the misfortunes and the prosperity -- vices and virtues - of people are caused by the external influence
exercised upon them by the law and the legislators. Thus, in his Utopia of Salentum, he puts men -- with all their interests,
faculties, desires, and possessions -- under the absolute discretion of the legislator. Whatever the issue may be, persons
do not decide it for themselves; the prince decides for them. The prince is depicted as the soul of this shapeless mass of
people who form the nation. In the prince resides the thought, the foresight, all progress, and the principle of all organization.
Thus all responsibility rests with him. The whole of the tenth book of Fenelon's Telemachus proves this. I refer the reader
to it, and content myself with quoting at random from this celebrated work to which, in every other respect, I am the first
to pay homage.
~ Socialists Ignore Reason and Facts ~
With the amazing
credulity which is typical of the classicists, Fenelon ignores the authority of reason and facts when he attributes the general
happiness of the Egyptians, not to their own wisdom but to the wisdom of their kings: "We could not turn our eyes to either
shore without seeing rich towns and country estates most agreeably located; fields, never fallowed, covered with golden crops
every year; meadows full of flocks; workers bending under the weight of the fruit which the earth lavished upon its cultivators;
shepherds who made the echoes resound with the soft notes from their pipes and flutes. "Happy," said Mentor, "is the people
governed by a wise king.". . ." Later, Mentor desired that I observe the contentment and abundance which covered all Egypt,
where twenty-two thousand cities could be counted. He admired the good police regulations in the cities; the justice rendered
in favor of the poor against the rich; the sound education of the children in obedience, labor, sobriety, and the love of
the arts and letters; the exactness with which all religious ceremonies were performed; the unselfishness, the high regard
for honor, the faithfulness to men, and the fear of the gods which every father taught his children. He never stopped admiring
the prosperity of the country. "Happy," said he, "is the people ruled by a wise king in such a manner."
~ Socialists Want to Regiment People ~
Fenelon's idyll
on Crete is even more alluring. Mentor is made to say: "All that you see in this wonderful island results from the laws of
Minos. The education which he ordained for the children makes their bodies strong and robust. From the very beginning, one
accustoms the children to a life of frugality and labor, because one assumes that all pleasures of the senses weaken both
body and mind. Thus one allows them no pleasure except that of becoming invincible by virtue, and of acquiring glory.... Here
one punishes three vices that go unpunished among other people: ingratitude, hypocrisy, and greed. There is no need to punish
persons for pomp and dissipation, for they are unknown in Crete.... No costly furniture, no magnificent clothing, no delicious
feasts, no gilded palaces are permitted."
Thus does Mentor prepare his student to mold and to manipulate -- doubtless
with the best of intentions -- the people of Ithaca. And to convince the student of the wisdom of these ideas, Mentor recites
to him the example of Salentum.
It is from this sort of philosophy that we receive our first political
ideas! We are taught to treat persons much as an instructor in agriculture teaches farmers to prepare and tend the soil.
~ A Famous Name and an Evil Idea ~
Now listen to the great
Montesquieu on this same subject: "To maintain the spirit of commerce, it is necessary that all the laws must favor it. These
laws, by proportionately dividing up the fortunes as they are made in commerce, should provide every poor citizen with sufficiently
easy circumstances to enable him to work like the others. These same laws should put every rich citizen in such lowered circumstances
as to force him to work in order to keep or to gain."
Thus the laws are to dispose of all fortunes!
Although real equality is the soul of the state in a democracy, yet this
is so difficult to establish that an extreme precision in this matter would not always be desirable. It is sufficient that
there be established a census to reduce or fix these differences in wealth within a certain limit. After this is done, it
remains for specific laws to equalize inequality by imposing burdens upon the rich and granting relief to the poor. Here again
we find the idea of equalizing fortunes by law, by force. In Greece, there were two kinds of republics, One, Sparta, was military;
the other, Athens, was commercial. In the former, it was desired that the citizens be idle; in the latter, love of labor was
encouraged.
Note the marvelous genius of these legislators: By debasing all established
customs -- by mixing the usual concepts of all virtues -- they knew in advance that the world would admire their wisdom.
Lycurgus gave stability to his city of Sparta by combining petty thievery
with the soul of justice; by combining the most complete bondage with the most extreme liberty; by combining the most atrocious
beliefs with the greatest moderation. He appeared to deprive his city of all its resources, arts, commerce, money, and defenses.
In Sparta, ambition went without the hope of material reward. Natural affection found no outlet because a man was neither
son, husband, nor father. Even chastity was no longer considered becoming. By this road, Lycurgus led Sparta on to greatness
and glory.
This boldness which was to be found in the institutions of Greece has been
repeated in the midst of the degeneracy and corruption of our modern times. An occasional honest legislator has molded a people
in whom integrity appears as natural as courage in the Spartans. Mr. William Penn, for example, is a true Lycurgus. Even though
Mr. Penn had peace as his objective -- while Lycurgus had war as his objective -- they resemble each other in that their moral
prestige over free men allowed them to overcome prejudices, to subdue passions, and to lead their respective peoples into
new paths.
The country of Paraguay furnishes us with another example [of a people
who, for their own good, are molded by their legislators].*
* Translator's note: What was then known as Paraguay was a
much larger area than it is today. It was colonized by the Jesuits who settled the Indians into villages, and generally saved
them from further brutalities by the avid conquerors. Now it is true that if one considers the sheer pleasure of commanding
to be the greatest joy in life, he contemplates a crime against society. It will, however, always be a noble ideal to govern
men in a manner that will make them happier. Those who desire to establish similar institutions must do as follows: Establish
common ownership of property as in the republic of Plato; revere the gods as Plato commanded; prevent foreigners from mingling
with the people, in order to preserve the customs; let the state, instead of the citizens, establish commerce. The legislators
should supply arts instead of luxuries; they should satisfy needs instead of desires.
~ A Frightful Idea ~
hose who are subject to vulgar infatuation
may exclaim: "Montesquieu has said this! So it's magnificent! It's sublime!" As for me, I have the courage of my own opinion.
I say: What! You have the nerve to call that fine? It is frightful! It is abominable! These random selections from the writings
of Montesquieu show that he considers persons, liberties, property -- mankind itself -- to be nothing but materials for legislators
to exercise their wisdom upon.
~ The Leader of the Democrats ~
Now let us examine Rousseau
on this subject. This writer on public affairs is the supreme authority of the democrats. And although he bases the social
structure upon the will of the people, he has, to a greater extent than anyone else, completely accepted the theory of the
total inertness of mankind in the presence of the legislators: "If it is true that a great prince is rare, then is it not
true that a great legislator is even more rare? The prince has only to follow the pattern that the legislator creates. The
legislator is the mechanic who invents the machine; the prince is merely the workman who sets it in motion.
And what part do persons play in all this? They are merely the machine
that is set in motion. In fact, are they not merely considered to be the raw material of which the machine is made?"
Thus the same relationship exists between the legislator and the prince
as exists between the agricultural expert and the farmer; and the relationship between the prince and his subjects is the
same as that between the farmer and his land. How high above mankind, then, has this writer on public affairs been placed?
Rousseau rules over legislators themselves, and teaches them their trade in these imperious terms: "Would you give stability
to the state? Then bring the extremes as closely together as possible. Tolerate neither wealthy persons nor beggars.
If the soil is poor or barren, or the country too small for its inhabitants,
then turn to industry and arts, and trade these products for the foods that you need.... On a fertile soil -- if you are short
of inhabitants -- devote all your attention to agriculture, because this multiplies people; banish the arts, because they
only serve to depopulate the nation....
If you have extensive and accessible coast lines, then cover the sea with
merchant ships; you will have a brilliant but short existence. If your seas wash only inaccessible cliffs, let the people
be barbarous and eat fish; they will live more quietly -- perhaps better -- and, most certainly, they will live more happily.
In short, and in addition to the maxims that are common to all, every people
has its own particular circumstances. And this fact in itself will cause legislation appropriate to the circumstances."
This is the reason why the Hebrews formerly -- and, more recently, the
Arabs -- had religion as their principle objective. The objective of the Athenians was literature; of Carthage and Tyre, commerce;
of Rhodes, naval affairs; of Sparta, war; and of Rome, virtue. The author of The Spirit of Laws has shown by what art the
legislator should direct his institutions toward each of these objectives.... But suppose that the legislator mistakes his
proper objective, and acts on a principle different from that indicated by the nature of things? Suppose that the selected
principle sometimes creates slavery, and sometimes liberty; sometimes wealth, and sometimes population; sometimes peace, and
sometimes conquest? This confusion of objective will slowly enfeeble the law and impair the constitution. The state will be
subjected to ceaseless agitations until it is destroyed or changed, and invincible nature regains her empire.
But if nature is sufficiently invincible to regain its empire, why does
not Rousseau admit that it did not need the legislator to gain it in the first place? Why does he not see that men, by obeying
their own instincts, would turn to farming on fertile soil, and to commerce on an extensive and easily accessible coast, without
the interference of a Lycurgus or a Solon or a Rousseau who might easily be mistaken.
~ Socialists Want Forced Conformity ~
Be that as it may,
Rousseau invests the creators, organizers, directors, legislators, and controllers of society with a terrible responsibility.
He is, therefore, most exacting with them: "He who would dare to undertake the political creation of a people ought to believe
that he can, in a manner of speaking, transform human nature; transform each individual -- who, by himself, is a solitary
and perfect whole -- into a mere part of a greater whole from which the individual will henceforth receive his life and being.
Thus the person who would undertake the political creation of a people should believe in his ability to alter man's constitution;
to strengthen it; to substitute for the physical and independent existence received from nature, an existence which is partial
and moral.* In short, the would-be creator of political man must remove man's own forces and endow him with others that are
naturally alien to him."
Poor human nature! What would become of a person's dignity if it were entrusted
to the followers of Rousseau?
* Translator's note: According to Rousseau, the existence
of social man is partial in the sense that he is henceforth merely a part of society. Knowing himself as such -- and thinking
and feeling from the point of view of the whole -- he thereby becomes moral.
~ Legislators Desire to Mold Mankind ~
Now let us examine
Raynal on this subject of mankind being molded by the legislator: "The legislator must first consider the climate, the air,
and the soil. The resources at his disposal determine his duties. He must first consider his locality. A population living
on maritime shores must have laws designed for navigation.... If it is an inland settlement, the legislator must make his
plans according to the nature and fertility of the soil.... It is especially in the distribution of property that the genius
of the legislator will be found. As a general rule, when a new colony is established in any country, sufficient land should
be given to each man to support his family....
On an uncultivated island that you are populating with children, you need
do nothing but let the seeds of truth germinate along with the development of reason.... But when you resettle a nation with
a past into a new country, the skill of the legislator rests in the policy of permitting the people to retain no injurious
opinions and customs which can possibly be cured and corrected. If you desire to prevent these opinions and customs from becoming
permanent, you will secure the second generation by a general system of public education for the children. A prince or a legislator
should never establish a colony without first arranging to send wise men along to instruct the youth...."
In a new colony, ample opportunity is open to the careful legislator who
desires to purify the customs and manners of the people. If he has virtue and genius, the land and the people at his disposal
will inspire his soul with a plan for society. A writer can only vaguely trace the plan in advance because it is necessarily
subject to the instability of all hypotheses; the problem has many forms, complications, and circumstances that are difficult
to foresee and settle in detail.
~ Legislators Told How to Manage Men ~
Raynal's instructions
to the legislators on how to manage people may be compared to a professor of agriculture lecturing his students: "The climate
is the first rule for the farmer. His resources determine his procedure. He must first consider his locality. If his soil
is clay, he must do so and so. If his soil is sand, he must act in another manner. Every facility is open to the farmer who
wishes to clear and improve his soil. If he is skillful enough, the manure at his disposal will suggest to him a plan of operation.
A professor can only vaguely trace this plan in advance because it is necessarily subject to the instability of all hypotheses;
the problem has many forms, complications, and circumstances that are difficult to foresee and settle in detail."
Oh, sublime writers! Please remember sometimes that this clay, this sand,
and this manure which you so arbitrarily dispose of, are men! They are your equals! They are intelligent and free human beings
like yourselves! As you have, they too have received from God the faculty to observe, to plan ahead, to think, and to judge
for themselves!
~ A Temporary Dictatorship ~
Here is Mably on this subject
of the law and the legislator. In the passages preceding the one here quoted, Mably has supposed the laws, due to a neglect
of security, to be worn out. He continues to address the reader thusly: "Under these circumstances, it is obvious that the
springs of government are slack. Give them a new tension, and the evil will be cured.... Think less of punishing faults, and
more of rewarding that which you need. In this manner you will restore to your republic the vigor of youth. Because free people
have been ignorant of this procedure, they have lost their liberty! But if the evil has made such headway that ordinary governmental
procedures are unable to cure it, then resort to an extraordinary tribunal with considerable powers for a short time. The
imagination of the citizens needs to be struck a hard blow."
In this manner, Mably continues through twenty volumes.
Under the influence of teaching like this -- which stems from classical
education -- there came a time when everyone wished to place himself above mankind in order to arrange, organize, and regulate
it in his own way.
~ Socialists Want Equality of Wealth ~
Next let us examine
Condillac on this subject of the legislators and mankind: "My Lord, assume the character of Lycurgus or of Solon. And before
you finish reading this essay, amuse yourself by giving laws to some savages in America or Africa. Confine these nomads to
fixed dwellings; teach them to tend flocks . . . Attempt to develop the social consciousness that nature has planted in them
. . . Force them to begin to practice the duties of humanity . . . Use punishment to cause sensual pleasures to become distasteful
to them. Then you will see that every point of your legislation will cause these savages to lose a vice and gain a virtue.
All people have had laws. But few people have been happy. Why is this so?
Because the legislators themselves have almost always been ignorant of the purpose of society, which is the uniting of families
by a common interest.
Impartiality in law consists of two things: the establishing of equality
in wealth and equality in dignity among the citizens . . . As the laws establish greater equality, they become proportionately
more precious to every citizen . . . When all men are equal in wealth and dignity -- and when the laws leave no hope of disturbing
this equality -- how can men then be agitated by greed, ambition, dissipation, idleness, sloth, envy, hatred, or jealousy?
What you have learned about the republic of Sparta should enlighten you
on this question. No other state has ever had laws more in accord with the order of nature; of equality."
~ The Error of the Socialist Writers ~
Actually, it is
not strange that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the human race was regarded as inert matter, ready to receive
everything -- form, face, energy, movement, life -- from a great prince or a great legislator or a great genius. These centuries
were nourished on the study of antiquity. And antiquity presents everywhere -- in Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome -- the spectacle
of a few men molding mankind according to their whims, thanks to the prestige of force and of fraud. But this does not prove
that this situation is desirable. It proves only that since men and society are capable of improvement, it is naturally to
be expected that error, ignorance, despotism, slavery, and superstition should be greatest towards the origins of history.
The writers quoted above were not in error when they found ancient institutions to be such, but they were in error when they
offered them for the admiration and imitation of future generations. Uncritical and childish conformists, they took for granted
the grandeur, dignity, morality, and happiness of the artificial societies of the ancient world. They did not understand that
knowledge appears and grows with the passage of time; and that in proportion to this growth of knowledge, might takes the
side of right, and society regains possession of itself.
~ What Is Liberty? ~
Actually, what is the political struggle
that we witness? It is the instinctive struggle of all people toward liberty. And what is this liberty, whose very name makes
the heart beat faster and shakes the world? Is it not the union of all liberties -- liberty of conscience, of education, of
association, of the press, of travel, of labor, of trade? In short, is not liberty the freedom of every person to make full
use of his faculties, so long as he does not harm other persons while doing so? Is not liberty the destruction of all despotism
-- including, of course, legal despotism?
Finally, is not liberty the restricting of the law only to its rational
sphere of organizing the right of the individual to lawful self-defense; of punishing injustice?
It must be admitted that the tendency of the human race toward liberty
is largely thwarted, especially in France. This is greatly due to a fatal desire -- learned from the teachings of antiquity
-- that our writers on public affairs have in common: They desire to set themselves above mankind in order to arrange, organize,
and regulate it according to their fancy.
~ Philanthropic Tyranny ~
While society is struggling toward
liberty, these famous men who put themselves at its head are filled with the spirit of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
They think only of subjecting mankind to the philanthropic tyranny of their own social inventions. Like Rousseau, they desire
to force mankind docilely to bear this yoke of the public welfare that they have dreamed up in their own imaginations.
This was especially true in 1789. No sooner was the old regime destroyed
than society was subjected to still other artificial arrangements, always starting from the same point: the omnipotence of
the law.
Listen to the ideas of a few of the writers and politicians during that
period: SAINT-JUST: "The legislator commands the future. It is for him to will the good of mankind. It is for him to make
men what he wills them to be."
ROBESPIERRE: "The function of government is to direct the physical and
moral powers of the nation toward the end for which the commonwealth has come into being."
BILLAUD-VARENNES: "A people who are to be returned to liberty must be formed
anew. A strong force and vigorous action are necessary to destroy old prejudices, to change old customs, to correct depraved
affections, to restrict superfluous wants, and to destroy ingrained vices.... Citizens, the inexible austerity of Lycurgus
created the firm foundation of the Spartan republic. The weak and trusting character of Solon plunged Athens into slavery.
This parallel embraces the whole science of government."
LE PELLETIER: "Considering the extent of human degradation, I am convinced
that it is necessary to effect a total regeneration and, if I may so express myself, of creating a new people."
~ The Socialists Want Dictatorship ~
Again, it is claimed
that persons are nothing but raw material. It is not for them to will their own improvement; they are incapable of it. According
to Saint-Just, only the legislator is capable of doing this. Persons are merely to be what the legislator wills them to be.
According to Robespierre, who copies Rousseau literally, the legislator begins by decreeing the end for which the commonwealth
has come into being. Once this is determined, the government has only to direct the physical and moral forces of the nation
toward that end. Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the nation are to remain completely passive. And according to the teachings
of Billaud-Varennes, the people should have no prejudices, no affections, and no desires except those authorized by the legislator.
He even goes so far as to say that the inflexible austerity of one man is the foundation of a republic.
In cases where the alleged evil is so great that ordinary governmental
procedures cannot cure it, Mably recommends a dictatorship to promote virtue: "Resort," he says, "to an extraordinary tribunal
with considerable powers for a short time. The imagination of the citizens needs to be struck a hard blow." This doctrine
has not been forgotten. Listen to Robespierre: "The principle of the republican government is virtue, and the means required
to establish virtue is terror. In our country we desire to substitute morality for selfishness, honesty for honor, principles
for customs, duties for manners, the empire of reason for the tyranny of fashion, contempt of vice for contempt of poverty,
pride for insolence, greatness of soul for vanity, love of glory for love of money, good people for good companions, merit
for intrigue, genius for wit, truth for glitter, the charm of happiness for the boredom of pleasure, the greatness of man
for the littleness of the great, a generous, strong, happy people for a good-natured, frivolous, degraded people; in short,
we desire to substitute all the virtues and miracles of a republic for all the vices and absurdities of a monarchy."
~ Dictatorial Arrogance ~
At what a tremendous height above
the rest of mankind does Robespierre here place himself! And note the arrogance with which he speaks. He is not content to
pray for a great reawakening of the human spirit. Nor does he expect such a result from a well-ordered government. No, he
himself will remake mankind, and by means of terror.
This mass of rotten and contradictory statements is extracted from
a discourse by Robespierre in which he aims to explain the principles of morality which ought to guide a revolutionary government.
Note that Robespierre's request for dictatorship is not made merely for the purpose of repelling a foreign invasion or putting
down the opposing groups. Rather he wants a dictatorship in order that he may use terror to force upon the country his own
principles of morality. He says that this act is only to be a temporary measure preceding a new constitution. But in reality,
he desires nothing short of using terror to extinguish from France selfishness, honor, customs, manners, fashion, vanity,
love of money, good companionship, intrigue, wit, sensuousness, and poverty. Not until he, Robespierre, shall have accomplished
these miracles, as he so rightly calls them, will he permit the law to reign again.*
* Translator's Note: At this point in the original French
text, Mr. Bastiat pauses and speaks thusly to all do-gooders and would-be rulers of mankind: "Ah, you miserable creatures!
You who think that you are so great! You who judge humanity to be so small! You who wish to reform everything! Why don't you
reform yourselves? That task would be sufficient enough."
~ The Indirect Approach to Despotism ~
Usually, however,
these gentlemen -- the reformers, the legislators, and the writers on public affairs -- do not desire to impose direct despotism
upon mankind. Oh no, they are too moderate and philanthropic for such direct action. Instead, they turn to the law for this
despotism, this absolutism, this omnipotence. They desire only to make the laws. To show the prevalence of this queer idea
in France, I would need to copy not only the entire works of Mably, Raynal, Rousseau, and Fenelon -- plus long extracts from
Bossuet and Montesquieu -- but also the entire proceedings of the Convention. I shall do no such thing; I merely refer the
reader to them.
~ Napoleon Wanted Passive Mankind ~
It is, of course, not
at all surprising that this same idea should have greatly appealed to Napoleon. He embraced it ardently and used it with vigor.
Like a chemist, Napoleon considered all Europe to be material for his experiments. But, in due course, this material reacted
against him.
At St. Helena, Napoleon -- greatly disillusioned -- seemed to recognize
some initiative in mankind. Recognizing this, he became less hostile to liberty. Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from
leaving this lesson to his son in his will: "To govern is to increase and spread morality, education, and happiness."
After all this, it is hardly necessary to quote the same opinions from
Morelly, Babeuf, Owen, Saint-Simon, and Fourier. Here are, however, a few extracts from Louis Blanc's book on the organization
of labor: "In our plan, society receives its momentum from power." Now consider this: The impulse behind this momentum is
to be supplied by the plan of Louis Blanc; his plan is to be forced upon society; the society referred to is the human race.
Thus the human race is to receive its momentum from Louis Blanc.
Now it will be said that the people are free to accept or to reject this
plan. Admittedly, people are free to accept or to reject advice from whomever they wish. But this is not the way in which
Mr. Louis Blanc understands the matter. He expects that his plan will be legalized, and thus forcibly imposed upon the people
by the power of the law: "In our plan, the state has only to pass labor laws (nothing else?) by means of which industrial
progress can and must proceed in complete liberty. The state merely places society on an incline (that is all?). Then society
will slide down this incline by the mere force of things, and by the natural workings of the established mechanism."
But what is this incline that is indicated by Mr. Louis Blanc? Does it
not lead to an abyss? (No, it leads to happiness.) If this is true, then why does not society go there of its own choice?
(Because society does not know what it wants; it must be propelled.) What is to propel it? (Power.) And who is to supply the
impulse for this power? (Why, the inventor of the machine -- in this instance, Mr. Louis Blanc.)
~ The Vicious Circle of Socialism ~
We shall never escape
from this circle: the idea of passive mankind, and the power of the law being used by a great man to propel the people.
Once on this incline, will society enjoy some liberty? (Certainly.) And
what is liberty, Mr. Louis Blanc?
Once and for all, liberty is not only a mere granted right; it is also
the power granted to a person to use and to develop his faculties under a reign of justice and under the protection of the
law.
And this is no pointless distinction; its meaning is deep and its consequences
are difficult to estimate. For once it is agreed that a person, to be truly free, must have the power to use and develop his
faculties, then it follows that every person has a claim on society for such education as will permit him to develop himself.
It also follows that every person has a claim on society for tools of production, without which human activity cannot be fully
effective. Now by what action can society give to every person the necessary education and the necessary tools of production,
if not by the action of the state?
Thus, again, liberty is power. Of what does this power consist? (Of being
educated and of being given the tools of production.) Who is to give the education and the tools of production? (Society,
which owes them to everyone.) By what action is society to give tools of production to those who do not own them? (Why, by
the action of the state.) And from whom will the state take them?
Let the reader answer that question. Let him also notice the direction
in which this is taking us.
~ The Doctrine of the Democrats ~
The strange phenomenon
of our times -- one which will probably astound our descendants -- is the doctrine based on this triple hypothesis: the total
inertness of mankind, the omnipotence of the law, and the infallibility of the legislator. These three ideas form the sacred
symbol of those who proclaim themselves totally democratic.
The advocates of this doctrine also profess to be social. So far as they
are democratic, they place unlimited faith in mankind. But so far as they are social, they regard mankind as little better
than mud. Let us examine this contrast in greater detail.
What is the attitude of the democrat when political rights are under discussion?
How does he regard the people when a legislator is to be chosen? Ah, then it is claimed that the people have an instinctive
wisdom; they are gifted with the finest perception; their will is always right; the general will cannot err; voting cannot
be too universal.
When it is time to vote, apparently the voter is not to be asked for any
guarantee of his wisdom. His will and capacity to choose wisely are taken for granted. Can the people be mistaken? Are we
not living in an age of enlightenment? What! Are the people always to be kept on leashes? Have they not won their rights by
great effort and sacrifice? Have they not given ample proof of their intelligence and wisdom? Are they not adults? Are they
not capable of judging for themselves? Do they not know what is best for themselves? Is there a class or a man who would be
so bold as to set himself above the people, and judge and act for them? No, no, the people are and should be free. They desire
to manage their own affairs, and they shall do so.
But when the legislator is finally elected -- ah! then indeed does the
tone of his speech undergo a radical change. The people are returned to passiveness, inertness, and unconsciousness; the legislator
enters into omnipotence. Now it is