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Methodist Musings
Methodists and Indians
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The success and failure of Methodist Indian Missions in the
This paper will be divided up into three parts. The first will deal with beginnings of United Methodist attempts at
“converting” the Native Americans as well as some of the common experiences that shaped Native American perception
of the white settlers. The second part will deal with some of the cultural conflicts that existed between missionaries and
Native Americans. The third part of the paper will examine some specific Methodist Missions and their practices and their
effects on the Indians. Beginnings
One could say that the beginnings of Methodist ministry to the Native Americans would start during John Wesley’s
visit to
In Heitzenrater’s book Wesley and the People Called Methodists, Heitzenrater describes Chief Tomochichi
of the Creeks, as having strong feelings about Christianity. Apparently, his father had been killed by Spanish settlers after
his refusal to be baptized.[3] One can see how this would make the Chief suspicious of Christianity. In fact, if Wesley had been aware at how the Indians
had often been mistreated by the white settlers, he would have understood their reluctance to accept the “white man’s
religion.” If we look at the time before Wesley’s coming to
No history of anything in
When Europeans first appeared on the shores of
Though not a Methodist, one of the first missionaries of any note was the Mayflower’s John Elliot. Though he
was primary assigned as pastor, he took the time to learn the language of the Massachusetts Indians and managed to impress
not only the Indians but the Puritan settlers as well. His ministry grew rapidly and at its height had 14 towns of “praying
Indians.” He also worked on establishing many schools.[6]
However, the Puritans kept seizing lands, and eventually relationships between the white settlers and the Indians broke
down completely. During this conflict, certain English immigrants claimed that the Pequot’s had killed a number of English
traders the Pequot’s claimed cheated them. Eventually, a large group of English settlers participated in the massacre
of over 400 Pequot men, women, and children in one of the Pequot villages. Catton Mather, one of the participants, called
the massacre a “sweet sacrifice to God.”[7] In fact, scripture was widely used to justify such actions, and It was incidences like this that caused Indian resistance
to become unrestrained as they faces increasing encroachment on their land.
Though the incidences above are not necessarily “Methodist” in nature, this background is vital in understanding
some of the root of the conflict. As stated earlier, the white settlers and those who committed such acts considered themselves
civilized and the Indians as “savages.” They often found comfort in Scripture in justifying certain heinous acts
against the native peoples. The Indian response can be best understood by the words of
Chief Monocue of the Wyandote who summed it up rather nicely.
“White men cheat Indians,” Monocue is quoted as saying, “(they) take their money, skins, and furs
for a trifle. Now your Good Book forbids this. Why not then do what it tells you? Then Indians would do right too.”[9]
White men would commonly include all Indians into a single negative classification which, as we saw earlier with the
Pequot massacre, allowed them to justify terrible acts. The Indians too had a tendency to look upon the Christian missionaries
as the same as all the white people they knew who had lied to them, deceived them, and defrauded them. With limited contact
with missionaries and more contact with “un-Christianized” white settlers, it is easy to see how the Indians grew
to distrust any European settler. Also, the missionaries being somewhat ethnocentric seemed to make a point of not understanding
Indian culture and society.[10]
So it was into this web of distrust that the early Methodist Missionaries found themselves. In the next section of
this paper we will explore the conflicts that the Methodist Missionaries faced. Cultural Conflict as
Words Collide
The first Methodist missionaries did not arrive until 1769. Those that arrived before this date were generally not
referred to as Indian missionaries. Much of this initial activity began in the southeastern section of the The Spirit of the Creator pervaded everything, giving conscious significance
to everything composing the tribal citizen’s environment. The ethical relationships of tribal citizens among themselves
were based on this consciousness. Being outside of this relationship was, for the individual, a condition of banishment, which
was far more painful than personal incarceration. Territorial rights were observed by tribes living adjacent to one another
and disputes were settled peacefully to preserve the balance of power. Disputes that flared into violence were quickly extinguished
to keep lines of communication open for trade and other international traffic.[12] So, contrary to the notion that the Indians lived a “savage”
life, it is seen here that their society and culture was complex, as were the relationships between tribes. They were also
very politically savvy, as most of the tribes understood that they could be used as pawns by the European factions that often
fought against each other. The Indians would often take sides to their advantage, yet most attempted to remain neutral. Many
of the white settlers and missionaries, however, failed to see this complex culture and often viewed Indian culture as inferior
to their own.
In attempting to minister and “save” the Indians, many missionaries hoped to convince them of their sinfulness
and “rudeness.” One Methodist missionary writes: “Our plan of preaching to them was to convince them of
their guilt, misery, and helplessness by reason and experience: Not appealing to the Scriptures as the law by which they were
condemned, but to their own knowledge of right and wrong. The Gospel proffering
to them an immediate change of heart, was seized by them as Heaven’s best blessing of ruined men.”[13] Early Methodist missionaries tended toward a belief that the heart of conversion was a deep emotional conviction of one’s
own depravity. However, they always felt that many of the Native Americans were not really “sorry” for their sins,
but simply masquerading.[14]
It was with these attitudes and some degree of ethnocentric ideas that these missionaries set about their work. White
missionaries and settlers often questioned the “quality” of Indian culture. Missionary John Pitezel writes: “They
were generally true to each other, and as moral as a people unrenewed by Divine Grace could be expected to be.”[15] He goes on to state that he felt that Native Americans could be “ignorant, morally polluted, and debased to the level
of the brute.”[16]
Language was always a problem. Among the Ojibway, for example, there was no dominant dialect among the various tribes
which led to the question of whether the missionary work should be done in the local language. Missionary Peter Jones, who
was competent in English and various Ojibway languages, was one of the few missionaries to bridge this gap as he translated
the Lord’s Prayer and Apostles Creed into the native Ojibway languages. He was joined by George Copeway who translated
the Gospel of Luke into Ojibway as well.[17] This seemed to be a question that plagued the Indian missionaries throughout the years of Indian missions. As we will see
later, most missionaries resisted using the native language of the Indians. Copeway and Jones were exceptions to the rules.
Other cultural conflicts often centered on the topic of clothes, or as we should say, lack thereof. The often prudish
missionaries would be uncomfortable around the sometimes scantily clothed native peoples. Some were able to overcome these
prejudices such as William Johnson from the
What some feel was a positive result of this cultural conflict, at least among the missionaries to the Ojibway, was
the improvement of the lot of the Ojibway women. Many of the missionaries felt that the native women were poorly treated and
afforded few if any rights and tended to be treated more as property than human beings. Christian morality, according to the
missionaries, felt that this was a poor practice. The Indians who were converted to Christianity tended to learn to treat
the women of their tribe much more humanely.[19]
Ultimately, what made a missionary successful, whether they were Methodist or not, was the ability to make positive
contacts based on beliefs held in common by both Indians and whites. Failure by missionaries to recognize the significance
of Indian religious beliefs is called by many the greatest lost opportunity. Trivializing Native American religious beliefs,
at least among the Ojibway, prevented many missionaries from reaching the Indians with the “white man’s religion.”
It became unclear to the Indians if they felt they were being preached the Gospel of Christ or the Gospel of America. Basically,
missionary efforts that failed did so because of the tensions between the two cultures.[20] Methodist Indian Missions:
Stories of Contrasts and Similarities
As we can see from the previous material, Methodist missionaries were trying to preach the gospel to a people that
had been over time cheated, massacred, marginalized, misunderstood, and cast as inferior. Yet in spite of these odds, there
were many successful Methodist Indian Missions in the
During the 1800’s, many missions began to spring up. One of the more successful ones was the A shadow on our Methodist History reveals that for the most part our church
structure refused to become involved or to stand with their preachers in this regard. The journey was paved with disease,
starvation, exposure, and massive loss through deaths and separation. The spirit of endurance and survival grew out of strong
family relationships and tribal relationships, and by the native spiritual traditions and the spiritual traditions of Christianity
which had come to This journey was filled with much suffering and in some
cases the cause of great resentment against the government.
After settling in their new home, the leaders of the Chickasaw tribe felt the need to establish a school for their
children, and in 1842 petitioned the United States Government for a manual labor school. There were many disputes over funding
and more than a few bureaucratic bungles. At one point the contract to start the school was held up for six months by the
Bureau of Indian Affairs as the petition languished on some desk. Finally, in 1847, the school was approved and an amount
appropriated was $50.00 per student. The Chickasaws had also pledged $6000.00 toward the endeavor as well.[23]
The school was started under Wesley Browning, and it is stated that the mission flourished at the beginning with 25
to 30 scholars. The money from the Chickasaws was slow in coming, with only $2000.00 arriving in 1847. Construction also proceeded
rather slowly as Brown wanted the mission to be self-sufficient, so he rented land for farming, sought to establish a mill.
The mill, however, was an ill-fated project that was to cause him a lot of trouble and eventually be one of the factors in
him being replaced. The millwright had left early, high water swept away the dam that had been constructed for the mill, workers
sickened, horses died, and the crops washed out. Other monies came in, but by 1850 approximately $8000.00 had been spent on
the academy and there was nothing to show for it. The Chickasaws were reluctant to give over the rest of their promised funds,
and Browning did not take this well, and managed to further damage his case by being openly critical of the Bureau of Indian
affairs as well as insult local tribal leaders. He was soon replaced.[24]
The replacement, John C Robinson, arrived in 1851, a minister from the Methodist Episcopal Church South. He had previously
worked with the Choctaw Nations and believed that the best way to improve the life of the Indian was through education. He
seemed the right man for the job.
When Robinson arrived, he made an effort to open the Academy under the original terms of the 1847 agreement along with
some other changes. The Chickasaws were quite enthusiastic and upped their appropriation
per student from $50.00 to $75.00. Robinson expanded operations, extended Christianity among the students, and provided good
counsel to the Indians. Over time, the academy became an object of some pride with the Methodist Missionary Society, who stated,
“The Chickasaw Academy, under the care of Reverend J. C. Robinson and most excellent wife, is indeed a model school.”[25]
Robinson had, according to those around him, and extraordinary gift for dealing with people. Behind this gift was that
he never doubted he was doing the work of God. Under his leadership, the mission showed steady educational progress. In 1852
he had only 60 students, but by
Yet, the Academy was also known for teaching manual skills, especially agricultural pursuits. Robinson writes: We think it not enough, in order to make a boy a good farmer, merely to teach him to hoe corn, chop wood, and make a fence, but to bring the subject before h him,
requiring also the full exercise of an enlightened mind as a noble, elevated calling.[27]
As a result, the Chickasaws were generally very pleased with the academy. Also, to keep the Methodists happy, there
was a Sunday school and two weekly Bible studies. When Robinson arrived after the disaster of Brown’s mill experience,
he was shocked at what appeared to be low morale. But as time went by, he felt things improved greatly. He notes that at least
22 students became Methodists.
It is thought that this was one of the most successful missions for the reason that it functioned in a favorable environment. The Chickasaws wanted things to go well and were generally enthusiastic and were very
supportive of the school financially. Robinson’s leadership is often cited, as he was described as having a “dynamic
spirit” with a knack for diplomacy coupled with limited ego. He was known to have credited God and his associates with
the success of the academy, and the Chickasaw academy stands as an example of “greatness” if all parties cooperated
together.[28]
When things did not go so well, the Indians often felt alienated and off balance. Often these problems arose though
the inability of missionaries to relate to Indian culture and religion. It seemed that the solution, as mentioned earlier
in this paper, was to teach “white ways” at the expense of any of the Indian ways. This was a commonality of many
of the boarding schools, and is gone into in some detail regarding the Methvin Institute, founded by John Jasper Methvin, a missionary to the Western Tribes who served as Superintendent of the Methodist Choctaw
School in 1885, serving there 23 years.
Boarding schools lifted the Indian students out of native contexts and immersed them into American culture. What was
wanted was “godly, civilized, educated” children and boarding schools accomplished the task of separating the
children from the “old ways” and made them more “educatable.”[29]
A common practice at Methvin’s and other institutes was to give the children new and more American names. Also,
the schools taught in English, and there was no attempt to bridge the communication gap by mixing languages. The missionaries
often felt that this was necessary because of all the different dialects and languages spoken among the tribes, but it was
very difficult for the students who sometimes knew no English at all.[30]
The changes made to the students were to force them to cut their hair or braids, give them entirely new clothing, and
separate them from their families for months at a time. One student, Guy Quetone, described being forcibly held down to have
his hair cut. One can see why the students sometimes had a difficult time adjusting.[31]
Although in these schools there was a tremendous amount of teaching and a real belief that they were working for the
betterment of the Indian life, the mission of the schools often was to “Christianize and Civilize the Indian.”[32] The problem was that many missionaries and schools were too ethnocentric. Many could not even conceive of Christianity in
any other form. Many Methodist missionaries viewed Indian religions and customs as something that was demonic and bad.
Methvin’s academy also concentrated on teaching manual labor skills as well as intellectual pursuits. The goal
was to educate the Indians with skills that would allow them to operate more fully in white society. Generally, cooking, washing,
and housework were taught for the girls. Farming and livestock tending was taught to the boys, and in many ways was similar
in this respect to the
It could be argued successfully that teaching the Indians Christianity, English, and “white” ways did much
to lift them up out of poverty and help them to integrate better into what was becoming the dominant society. It could be
argued successfully that the missionaries did much good, and that they truly believed that they were bringing God’s
word and salvation to the Indians. And we all know that hindsight is always, as the cliché goes, 20/20. Yet, these missions
did leave a legacy of stripping away much of the cultural identity of the Indians. Much more time could have been spent in
trying to understand and relate to the culture and language of
The tribes that benefited most from the mission work were able to maintain
ties to both ways. Kiowas tribal leader Stumbling Bear best sums things up by saying, “White man’s road heap good,
better than Bibliography Barclay, Wade Crawford, Early American Methodism Volume II: 1769-1844,
The Board of Missions and Church Extension of the Berkhofer, Robert F., Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant
Missions and American Indian Response, Heitzenrater, Richard P., Wesley and the People Called Methodists, Abingdon
Press, 1995 Isern, Thomas D., “ 131-145. Milner, Noley, Homer, First White Frost: Native Americans and United Methodism,
Abingdon Press, 1991 Phillips, Anita, “On and Beyond the Trail of Tears,” www.okumc.org, 2001 [1] Heitzenrater, Richard P., Wesley and the People Called Methodists, Abingdon Press, 1995 p. 61 [2] Noley, Homer, First White Frost: Native Americans and United Methodism, Abingdon Press, 1991 p.36 [3] Heitzenrater, p.62 [4] Noley, p. 20-21. [5] Noley, pp. 22-23. [6] Noley, p. 24 [7] Noley, p. 25 [8] Noley, p. 26 [9] Barclay, Wade Crawford, Early American Methodism Volume II: 1769-1844, The Board of Missions and Church
Extension of the [10] Barclay, p. 268. [11] Noley, p.37 [12] Ibid [13] Berkhofer, Robert F, Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response, University of [14] Berkhofer, p. 54 [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] Phillips, Anita, “On and Beyond the Trail of Tears,” www.okumc.org, [22] Phillips [23] Isern, Thomas D., “ [24] Isern, pp. 134-136. [25] Isem, p. 137 [26] Isem, p. 139. [27] Ibid. [28] Isem, pp. 142-145. [29] Milner, [30] Milner, O’Neil, p.57. [31] Milner, O’Neil, p. 58-59. [32] Milner, O’Neil, p. 61. [33] Milner, O’Neil, p.73
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