A Review of "Days of Glory" by Larry J. Daniel
In this book, Reverend Daniel contrives to shed light on the history of "Army of the Cumberland" claiming history writers
have neglected it. He then wipes the "The Army of the Cumberland," a two-volume history by Thomas Budd Van Horne, off the
list as biased reporting.
His rationale is that it does not engage in the gossipy, snickering and backbiting of the officers’ corps because
they were not "fraternal or solidified." Or, it is not great reading and the real reason it is not acceptable is that it is
an apologia for Major General George H. Thomas.
In the second paragraph of his Preface, he lets us know that all efforts before his, were attempts to ‘vindicate’
Thomas. In the third paragraph he claims Thomas ". . . is a flawed character. . . ." The rest of the book is
spent damning Thomas.
Jeez! A guy who early in the war defeats "Stonewall" Jackson, saves his army not once, but twice, was undefeated in battle,
destroys two Confederate armies, is flawed and requires ‘vindication?’ That sounds like something applicable to
‘crazy’ or ‘drunken’ generals. Perhaps these vindicators were just telling Thomas’s story. The
story in which no one else had shown any interest. Besides, are not most of Grant and Sherman’s writers sympathetic
to their subject? One has only to go to Perret’s slavering idolization of Grant to show the depth’s of silliness
to which those types descend. I have found none of that in Thomas’s biographers.
He criticizes Thomas Van Horne, Thomas’s biographer, as an advocate of Thomas. If being an advocate is wrong, we
must take all writings by Catton, Simon, Porter, Wilson, et al, not to mention Grant and Sherman’s "Memoirs," as pure
"hogwash." The Reverend infers that only those who dislike or disapprove or are in some fashion alienated against the subject
are the only ones qualified to write about them.
Reverend Daniel immediately dismisses all material about Thomas before his, as "grounded in postwar writings that cannot
be proven by contemporary evidence." Let’s see, according to the good Reverend, every historian and would-be historian
since 1865 is wrong about Thomas including Castel, McKinney and Buell all of whom he quotes extensively? I don’t understand
what "contemporary evidence" is either. Is that evidence not extant until the Reverend finds it? What is wrong with the sources
quoted in Castel, McKinney or Buell? They are all immaterial according to the Reverend. He apparently dismisses all the material
that Thomas gave to Van Horne for inclusion in his history. "Contemporary evidence" does not support them, but they were contemporary
evidence as reported by Van Horne. Much of Van Horne’s work is taken from Thomas’s personal papers, which Mrs.
Thomas destroyed after the Generals death, and the O. R.’s. The Reverend claims since they do not now exist that they
are also all irrelevant eg. "No contemporary evidence." I wonder how he explains the Bible to his flock?
He disposes of "contemporary history" writers by claiming they did not have the heart to dive into the National Archives
because of the "sheer volume." Nevertheless, the good Reverend has waded through this miasma of dust-covered material, no
doubt turning himself brown in the process, to glean nuggets he claimed were hidden there. I failed to find little others
have not uncovered.
He then states that Thomas, along with Buell and Rosecrans, has ‘solid’ biographies which reverses what he
claimed and dismissed (Van Horne and Cist) earlier in his Preface.
The Reverend claims he has ". . . stayed clear of battle minutiae that can easily be found in other works. . . ." Instead
he substitutes the minutiae of the individual soldier, whose overall comprehension of the action swirling around him
is limited to his immediate front. A private’s overall knowledge of the tactics, strategy or battle plan, or of the
ebb and flow of the battle is extremely limited to what he can see in his front. He usually never knows the Strategy involved,
how can he? As to social problems, he can only add one vote, yea or nay to the generally acknowledged existing racism. Morale
is a nebulous perception, not necessarily shared universally. If the Reverend served any time in the military he would have
found that men griped about everything and they do not all share the same opinion. I’m sure it was the same during the
Civil War. However, Reverend Daniel treats these comments as though they flowed from the lips of Aristotle, Jefferson, Napoleon
or Clauswitz. This adds nothing to the understanding or analysis. As any good statistician knows, a sample size of one (1)
defining a situation, morale, conscription, or emancipation, is not worth the powder to blow it to. . . . Heck. Probably just
adds more to the price they pay the good Reverend for the book. Too many historians today think that this adds authenticity
to their work. To me, it resembles the "Poll"s taken today about politics, morals and whatever other item the media deems
worthy of exploring with the public. They achieve no real understanding, but what the hell, it fills space and sometimes it’s
fun to read. Which today, may be what history writers and publishers are all about.
He frets that "Thomas supporters" will think him too hard on Thomas. Well, by the end of the book there are included 132
(my count) derogatory or backhanded comments about one individual (Thomas). He certainly has reason to worry. One
must wonder why all the negativity about one man? In the large picture, the Reverend’s portrait of Thomas does not stand
up to the universally held perception. This man at the beginning of the war made a soul wrenching choice to support a government
and it’s policy against his native state. Is not that commendable? He was never defeated in battle. Is that not praiseworthy?
He gave the Union it’s first victory in battle at Mill Springs. Is that not estimable? He saved the Union Amy of the
Cumberland at Chickamauga. Is not that laudable? He defeated the Confederates at Missionary Ridge with a victory claimed by
others as "miraculous." Is that not of value? Despite Sherman, he helped defeat the Army of Tennessee in Georgia during the
Atlanta Campaign. Cannot that be recognized? He destroyed the Army of Tennessee, at Nashville, again despite Sherman and Grant
and ended the war in the West. Is that not meritorious? Despite Grant’s diminution of his efforts and the dispersion
of his forces at Nashville, he outfitted and sent a cavalry force that he built despite Grant’s interference and led
by James Harrison Wilson, to conquer and destroy the industrial sites at Selma and Montgomery in Alabama. Besides meeting
and destroying the mythical Nathan Bedford Forrest, he also captured Jefferson Davis in Georgia. Is that not praisable? His
efforts at reconciliation after the war brought Tennessee back into the Union before any other officers efforts in any other
departments. Was he not a great man? Not in the Reverend’s opinion!
I’m not sure how Daniels reached the tortured rationale that the IV Corps was the heart of the Army of the Cumberland,
but he erred again. The XIV Corps, Thomas’s old Corps was it’s heart. So good that after Sherman secretly degraded
it to Grant from Resaca to Jonesboro, he had to take it to protect him on his vacation from the war in Savannah and sent the
Reverends choice back to Thomas.
Well so much for the "Preface."
This is not a history of the "Army of the Cumberland."
It is a shallow review of the early history and some of its battles. Its primary focus is to denigrate George H. Thomas
as an ineffective, slow, spiteful, insubordinate officer. In four hundred and thirty-four pages there are roughly one hundred
and thirty-two demeaning references regarding Thomas.
As others have done (See Creveld below), the Reverend leaps at the opportunity to repeat the Grant/Sherman’s aspersion
about Thomas being "slow." He repeats the slander that Grant/Sherman initiated to degrade Thomas’s military performances.
He repeats the story that they called Thomas "Slow Trott [sic]" because of his performance, not true. "Slow Trot" is a Cavalry
Command and Thomas when he taught cavalry tactics at West Point used it. Due to the natural instincts of the young officers
to be, their first inclination in formation to was to charge rapidly. Thomas at this instant and mindful of the condition
of the animals, instinctively ordered "Slow Trot" which slowed the intended gallop. His pupils, including many who would fight
for and against him in the future, cheated of their fun, reluctantly obeyed and ever afterward they called Thomas "Slow Trot."
The full derivation of the nickname is presented on the AOTC.net website (http://aotc.net/article3.htm), as are other nicknames associated with Thomas none of them derogatory.
To quote historian Martin van Creveld, much of what historians give us to believe is based on . . . "a sad testimonial
to the readiness of many historians to copy each other's words without giving the slightest thought to the evidence on which
they are based."
The Reverend also adopts the silly argument (previously presented by others) that the Army of the Cumberland was slow because
of its size. Now, with about 65,000 men, the AOTC was about 10,000 men smaller than the Army of Northern Virginia. That Army
was never been accused of being slow. If size is some criteria of speed than the Army of the Potomac’s must have been
as a snail. No, size is not measure of an Armies speed or effectiveness. It’s what the army’s generals do with
them that count. With two different armies, Thomas destroyed two separate rebel forces. With less than half an army he fought
the Army of Tennessee, numbering 75,000, to a standstill.
Why is Daniels so negative about Thomas? The disapproval extends to a negative comment or statement or quote on about every
third page. Is this a trick to create discussion where none exists? Is this a subterfuge to create a controversy to increase
sales? Is this derogation of Thomas to prepare the way for another overblown apotheosis of Grant? This certainly isn’t
history.
The Reverend’s negativity does not confine itself to Thomas alone. No officer in the book seemed to have escaped
his criticism. I’m surprised that these quarrelsome, egotistical, inept, envious, and covetous people won any battles.
Well, we’ll have to wait a while for a real history of the Army of the Cumberland to appear. We’ll have to
make do with Van Horne’s flawed versions, despite its disposition toward Thomas.
There are continuous deprecations of Thomas and his ‘slowness’ for no apparent reason other than to repeat
the words. On p. 315, he claims that " . . . the XIV Corps began its march north. Long halts were taken in order for skirmishers
to scour the woods to the front and right. At the pace of a quarter-mile an hour, could Thomas, never known for his speed,
be in position by dawn?"
Well, Thomas and his men had been marching that day to unite with the rest of Rosecrans army and had to march to his new
position on the left flank of Rosecrans army during the night. Crittenden had failed to warn Rosecrans of any activity on
his left or northern flank so Thomas knew nothing of the Rebels position or activity. Now where I come from a night march
could be a real adventure. Never know when you’ll walk into a tree, over a cliff, fall into water or run into a Rebel
Division. Lottsa things can happen at night. I’m not sure how rapidly the good Reverend thinks moving an entire Corps,
four divisions and something like 20,000 men, not mentioning artillery batterys and Corps trains, several miles through dusty
woods, over unknown territory should take. In his scorn, is he suggesting that Thomas should have double timed his men? Perhaps
he can count on divine intervention. Thomas couldn’t.
Daniel snidely reports on p. 353 that on "Monday morning, October 19, Rosecrans rode out for his daily inspection tour,
leaving Granger in charge, an odd selection given that Thomas ranked him by five months."
Well, if the Commanding Officer (C. O.) is absent from his post for any length of time, or tied up on other duties, normally
another officer is designated as an ‘Officer of the Day’ (O. D.) whose duty is to attend to the protocols and
operational duties of the army that would normally fall in the C. O.’s domain. Perhaps Reverend Daniel has not had the
privilege of serving in the armed forces and is unaware of military procedures. If this is the case, should it have been left
unsaid?
On page 139, Daniel claims that by October 1862, "The Virginian (Thomas), though an excellent officer, lacked experience
in his present assignment . . ." By that time Thomas had built and trained and army, been a regimental and division commander
and second in command of the AOTC. Since Reverend Daniels was not aware of the duties or position of Officer of the Day,
how does he judge a Generals abilities? Does he have ‘contemporary evidence?’
On page 325, note 28, the Reverend claims Thomas withheld 18 regiments in reserve. Claiming that ". . . This amounted to
more than 50 percent of his force . . . " Then he listed the regiments in the "Orders of Battle" for the Chickamauga
campaign as 54 regiments, including Grose and Willich’s brigades. This left him two third’s of his force or 36
regiments to man his battle line. A Corps commander who puts a third of his force in reserve, to take care of any unexpected
emergency is acting within accepted military protocol. I’m sure his experience helped him devise this ratio. Nevertheless,
of course according to the Reverend, Thomas really hadn’t gained from any of this valuable experience - yet. According
to the Reverend, "he had not matured."
Daniels repeated the often quoted tale of Thomas’s inhospitable behavior to Grant at his arrival at Chattanooga on
the night of October 22, 1863 on page 363 and his footnote three. He quotes Major James H. Wilson, a Grant aide as coming
to "army headquarters to find Grant on one side of the room and Thomas on the other, both looking glum and ill at ease" Wilson
supposedly prompted Thomas to make Grant more comfortable, Grant refused. This story has only Wilson’s word to back
it up. Horace Porter reported the same incident, but in Wilson’s book, "Under the old Flag" p. 274, Wilson reported
Porter only arrived later accompanied by General "Baldy" Smith, negating Porters version. So, contrary to the Reverend’s
dismissal of Thomas Buell’s dismissal of Wilson’s report, we must dismiss the Reverends dismissal. If this incident
did occur we have no "contemporary evidence" which mentions this unnecessary report which therefore is certainly dismissable.
There are many more incidents (132) of these negative contortions of truth, poor research and tortured analysis by the
Reverend. Too many to refute individually so I’ll leave it to the reader to question the need for this type of
history.