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7/04/1900
The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement, not only
to the Filipinos but to all who are denied a voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all
who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry.
When he uttered that passionate appeal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still
echoes in the hearts of men.
Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words so offensive to those who would hold
their fellows in political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose between liberty
and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure
Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest
are forgotten.
A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters, and a few officeholders,
and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives.
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the United States and the twilight of semi-citizenship
endured by the people of Puerto Rico, while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philippines? The Puerto Rico
tariff law asserts the doctrine that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the forty-five states.
The Democratic Party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic
law. There is no place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and irresistible power. That the leaders of
a great party should claim for any President or Congress the right to treat millions of people as mere "possessions"
and deal with them unrestrained by the Constitution or the Bill of Rights shows how far we have already departed from the
ancient landmarks and indicates what may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire.
The territorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory has is
found in the fact that he enjoys the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as the citizen
of a state. Take away this security and his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who
have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is applied.
What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we take
them? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Republicans
say that inanimate earth has value but that when that earth is molded by the Divine Hand and stamped with the likeness of
the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase.
There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and
it is submitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly endorse. If elected, I will convene Congress
in extraordinary session as soon as inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose: first, to
establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of government
in Cuba; second, to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they
work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are, by the Monroe Doctrine,
pledged to protect Cuba.
Behold a republic in which civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor and in which the law restrains
every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury - a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares
to wear a crown. Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments
- a republic whose flag is loved while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth,
in strength, and in influence, solving the problems of civilization and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood -
a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those
who sit in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming a supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the
accepted arbiter of the world's disputes - a republic whose history, like the path of the just, "is as the shining light
that shineth more and more unto the perfect day."
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