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In the current War, one of the greatest threats to civil liberties is the treatment of enemy combatants.   The government has taken the position that with no meaningful judicial review, any American citizen alleged to be an enemy combatant could be detained indefinitely without charges or counsel on the government's say-so. This is a direct quote from page three of the American Bar Association Task Force On Treatment of Enemy Combatants, dated August 8, 2002.   From page seven: The term “enemy combatant” is not a term of art which has a long established meaning.   According to one commentator:   Until now, as used by the attorney general, the term "enemy combatant" appeared nowhere in U.S. criminal law, international law or in the law of war.   The term appears to have been appropriated from ex parte Quirin, the 1942 Nazi saboteurs case, in which the Supreme Court wrote that "an enemy combatant who without uniform comes secretly through the lines for the purpose of waging war by destruction of life or property [would exemplify] belligerents who are generally deemed not to be entitled to the status of prisoner of war, but to be offenders against the law of war subject to trial and punishment by military tribunals." On pages eight and nine, the report quotes from that Nazi saboteurs case: By universal agreement and practice, the law of war draws a distinction between the armed forces and the peaceful populations of belligerent nations and also between those who are lawful and unlawful combatants.   Lawful combatants are subject to capture and detention as prisoners of war by opposing military forces.   Unlawful combatants are likewise subject to capture and detention, but in addition they are subject to trial and punishment by military tribunals for acts which render their belligerency unlawful. What the court in the 1942 case seems to be saying is:   You're either a lawful combatant or an unlawful one.   If the former, you're a prisoner of war (POW) and have certain rights.   If the latter, you're not a POW, but you're still entitled to a (military) trail (which includes access to legal representation).   The court doesn't seem to be defining any category of people that can be held without trial or access to attorneys.

Why does this matter?   Isn't this just some legal mumbo-jumbo, with no relevance to most of us?   After all, most of us are not terrorists, nor do we plan to be.

Well, it does matter; it is relevant; and it depends on how you define "terrorist."   For two centuries, the U.S. has been through innumerable political campaigns (state, local and national); many of them have been nasty; but when they're done the winners take office and the losers leave.   No one sends the losers – or those who voted for them – to jail.   And, if anyone dared try that, the public outcry would be enough to stop them (and they'd then be impeached).

Take away the publicity (which is what happens if people are spirited away, without trial, and without access to lawyers), and it wouldn't be so unlikely.   It wouldn't be hard for the government to classify people as "terrorists" because it didn't like their politics, and then arrest them and hold them without trial.

Has the U.S. government ever abused its power?   Just look at the Mexican War, the Spanish-American War, the mistreatment of German-Americans during World War One, the internment of Japanese-Americans and resident aliens during World War Two, McCarthyism.   The slaughter of the American Indian?   Slavery?   Jim Crow laws?   More recently we've had Watergate and Bill Clinton.

Given past history, it doesn't make a lot of sense to assume the government can always be trusted.   Given past history, it doesn't make a lot of sense to assume the government won't harass people it doesn't like.   There's a reason for the old saw Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely. The U.S. Constitution doesn't trust officeholders.   It limits their power (splitting power among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches).   It requires them to stand for elections periodically.   It allows for impeachment, outside the election cycle, as a precaution.   It allows for judicial review of executive and legislative decisions.   It allows freedom of speech, press and assembly so people can criticize government actions.   The whole purpose of the Constitution was to limit government.

Now, as the ABA states, the only precedent for "enemy combatants" or "illegal combatants" seems to be the 1942 Nazi saboteur case.   This is troubling for several reasons.   First, this is the only legal precedent.   It would be nice to have others.   Next, a precedent from 1942 – when the U.S. was in the middle of World War Two (a War already noted for excesses such as the internment of American citizens of Japanese descent, and of Japanese legal aliens) – is troubling in itself.   Then, there is no mention – even in this case – of the government having the ability to hold anyone (besides POWs, who have rights of their own) without trial or access to attorneys.   There is certainly no mention of the government having the right to do this to American citizens.   So, even if one accepts this "precedent", it doesn't allow what the Bush administration is doing.

When the Bush Administration claims enemy combatants can be held without trial or access to lawyers – particularly when it tries to declare American citizens enemy combatants – it's telling the American people "Trust us.   We have good intentions.   We'll only imprison actual terrorists.   And we won't make any mistakes."   And it throws away two centuries of Constitutional precedent, which tells us that, as a matter of principle, Americans don't trust the government.

Here are some of my thoughts on how to balance freedom and security.

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STORIES ABOUT ENEMY COMBATANTS

ABA Task Force 8 Aug 2002
Hamdi vs. Rumsfeld (Transcript of court case)
Reason Magazine 27 June 2003

Human Rights Watch 12 June 2002
CNN 10 Feb 2003; concerns ABA
Washington Post 20 June 2002
Washington Times 25 June 2003

Letters, from U.S. Senators Levin and Feingold, to Rumsfeld and Ashcroft 6 Sept 2002
Geneva Conventions
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Page Updated 14 Jan 2003