James N. Markels


"I'm not bad, I'm just drawn that way."
         --Jessica Rabbit

 


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The Affirmative Action Band-Aid

by James N. Markels

The fate of affirmative action in colleges across America hangs in the balance as the Supreme Court prepares to hear argument next month in the case of Grutter v. Bollinger.  The thumbnail sketch of Grutter is that a white applicant to the University of Michigan’s law school was rejected admission and sued the university because its admissions process gave certain minority applicants a boost based on the color of their skin, thereby denying the petitioner an equal opportunity to vie for a place in the incoming class.  The basic legal test for such a program is strict scrutiny, where the admissions process must be found to serve a compelling governmental interest and is narrowly tailored to serve that interest.  The resolution of Grutter hinges on whether the goal of a diverse student body at a state university serves a compelling governmental interest.

The only time the Supreme Court directly spoke to that issue was in the famous case of Regents of Univ. of Cal. v. Bakke, where a fractured Court rejected a particular affirmative action program while not rejecting the use of race altogether in university admissions.  Decisions like Bakke provide legal commentators with endless fun as it’s not exactly clear what the absolute holding of Bakke is or what types of affirmative action are constitutional, and it lets both sides in Grutter cite to the exact same language and draw opposite conclusions.

Forget Bakke.  It seems to me that two other cases demonstrate how the voting will turn out in Grutter.  First, in Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC, Justice O’Connor, in a dissent joined by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justices Kennedy and Scalia, argued that “[m]odern equal protection has recognized only one [compelling governmental] interest: remedying the effects of racial discrimination.”  So there’s four votes against the idea that a diverse student body is such an interest.  And then you have Justice Thomas in his concurrence in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena arguing that “government-sponsored racial discrimination based on benign prejudice is just as noxious as discrimination inspired by malicious prejudice,” clearly rejecting affirmative action programs as a form of “benign prejudice.”  That’s five votes.  The affirmative action program in Grutter is going down.

That’s all legal mumbo jumbo, though.  There’s a far more important reason why affirmative action in the state colleges does a disservice to everyone, including those who benefit from it.  It won’t get talked about in the Grutter briefs or in oral arguments, but it’s clear that affirmative action at the college level is there for one purpose: To rectify the inequities created in the public grade school system.  Affirmative action passes the buck for this inequity on to the colleges, thereby giving the public schools less incentive to cure the problem they create, perpetuating the cycle indefinitely.

This is easily demonstrated by considering which minorities receive the benefits of affirmative action in Grutter.  Do Asian-Americans get a bonus to their applications?  Of course not.  African-Americans, Mexican-Americans, American Indians and Puerto Ricans do, however.  Why?  Simply put, Asian-Americans outperform even whites in the public schools, getting higher grades on average and higher scores on the SATs and ACTs.  Asian-Americans don’t get affirmative action bonuses because they don’t need them; the average Asian-American applicant comes out of the public schools on equal or superior footing to the average white applicant.

It’s a different story for African-Americans, Mexican-Americans, American Indians and Puerto Ricans.  They come out of the public school system with lower scores on average compared to whites, with African-Americans scoring the lowest—about 100 points lower on the SATs than whites.  In any merit-based application system it’s obvious why these minorities would be underrepresented.

And this is pretty much how it has always been, for decade after decade.  Since these minorities as individuals are not less capable than whites or Asian-Americans, the issue is either cultural or in the public school system itself.  Since whites and Asian-Americans from the same neighborhoods who attend the same schools as the other minorities (even the most impoverished inner city schools) still do better, my hunch is that the problem lies more with the public school system itself.  Affirmative action programs in college admissions are the Band-Aid to that problem, covering up the public school’s failures by trying to make the numbers in the colleges more representative of the population.

Without such programs, the wound would be there for all to see.  The public schools would be held directly accountable for providing education unequally, and would face the needed pressure to make significant changes.  Instead, today, it’s the colleges, who had no role in the education of the applicants they sift through, who are burdened with the responsibility.  No wonder it’s the African-American parents stuck sending their children to public schools who are starting to call for school choice programs: They have realized that by the time their children are benefiting from a college’s affirmative action, it’s already too late.  The damage has already been done.  Hopefully, after Grutter, the impetus to seriously confront inequality in public education will be allowed to unfurl.