DAILY DISSENT Volume I. Edition 12
pub. by Anita Sands astrology@earthlink.net

THE Earlier Editions are at http://home.earthlink.net/~astrology/index2.htm
bottom of page



For a look at the degree of genocide that US troops deal out to civilians deliberately not only in Iraq, but in villages in VIETNAM, in the past, read what ex G.I. soldier /officer Brian Willson writes at his site, http://www.brianwillson.com .

In Nam, as an officer, Brian was asked to visit all bombing targets a day after planes went through to see if the South Vietnamese pilots they used were holding back, and maybe 'missing' the targets deliberately. In the field, he saw that all the targets were civilian villages and all the women and children were dead. Blown to pieces. Then he saw the reports that he himself had filed where he'd so stated, and found they had been changed to read two hundred vietcong guerillas were eliminated. Not true at all. Civilians all. He began confronting his seniors, they sent him back to USA. He immediately became an anti-war activist. His site is very fine. http://www.brianwillson.com Go over it with a fine tooth comb!


How the Mass Slaughter of a Group of Iraqis Went Unreported

By Patrick J Sloyan (Pulitzer prize winner)
The Guardian UK
Friday 14 February 2003

'What I saw was a bunch of filled-in trenches with people's arms and legs sticking out of them. For all I know, we could have killed thousands.'

On February 25 1991 the war correspondent Leon Daniel arrived at
a battlefield at the tip of the neutral zone between Iraq and Saudi
Arabia. Daniel was one of a pool of journalists who had been held back
from witnessing action the previous day, when Desert Storm's ground war
had been launched. There, right where he was standing, 8,400 soldiers of
the US First Infantry Division - known as the Big Red One - had attacked
an estimated 8,000 Iraqis with 3,000 Abrams main battle tanks, Bradley
fighting vehicles, Humvees and armoured personnel carriers.

Daniel had seen the aftermath of modest firefights in Vietnam.
"The bodies would be stacked up like cordwood," he recalled. Yet this
ferocious attack had not produced a single visible body. It was a
battlefield without the stench of urine, faeces, blood and bits of
flesh. Daniel wondered what happened to the estimated 6,000 Iraqi
defenders who had vanished. "Where are the bodies?" he finally asked the
First Division's public affairs officer, an army major. "What bodies?"
the major replied.

Months later, Daniel and the world would learn why the dead had
eluded eyewitnesses, cameras and video footage. Thousands of Iraqi
soldiers, some of them firing their weapons from first world war-style
trenches, had been buried by ploughs mounted on Abrams tanks. The tanks
had flanked the lines so that tons of sand from the plough spoil had
funnelled into the trenches. Just behind the tanks, straddling the
trench line, came Bradleys pumping machine-gun bullets into Iraqi

"I came through right after the lead company," said Colonel
Anthony Moreno. "What you saw was a bunch of buried trenches with
people's arms and legs sticking out of them. For all I know, we could
have killed thousands."

Two other brigades used the same tank-mounted ploughs and
Bradleys to obliterate an estimated 70 miles of defensive trenches. They
moved swiftly. The operation had been rehearsed repeatedly, weeks
before, on a mile-long trench line built according to satellite
photographs. The finishing touches were made by armoured combat
earth-movers (ACEs). These massive bulldozers, with armoured cockpits
impervious to small-arms fire, smoothed away any hint of the carnage. "A
lot of guys were scared, but I enjoyed it," said PFC Joe Queen, an ACE
driver awarded a Bronze Star for his performance in the battle.

What happened in the neutral zone that day is a metaphor for the
art of war in an era when domestic politics is often more important than
the predictable outcome on the field of battle. In 1991 American voters
rallied behind President George Bush Sr for the seemingly bloodless
confrontation with Saddam Hussein. Neatly hidden from a small army of
journalists was the reality of war - a reality that can make these very
same voters recoil in disapproval.

His son is likely to use the same sort of tactics to blind one of
the world's freest and most influential media establishments. Running
the show for President George Bush is the man who manipulated global
perceptions of the first Gulf war for Bush Sr: Dick Cheney. Then defence
secretary and now vice-president, Cheney is likely to buffalo the New
York Times, the Associated Press, CNN and others ready to bend to US
government censorship.

According to White House officials, no final decisions have been
made by Bush, Cheney and current defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
"We're still negotiating with the media," said one administration
official. But Bush has already implemented ground rules that require
journalists to give up their mobile and satellite phones to military
commanders who would control the movements of these so-called pool
reporters during Desert Storm II. If the final rules, organised by the
Pentagon, are anything like the pool system designed by Bush Sr and
Cheney in 1991, the world will be given a cloudy mixture of video
footage and misinformation that will fog the reality of war.

]Daniel, the wire service veteran, was part of the 1991 pool
system. About 150 American journalists, photographers and film crews
were scattered among attacking units. Their reports were supposed to be
fed to a rear headquarters and then shared by hundreds of journalists
from around the world. "They wouldn't let us see anything," said Daniel,
who has seen just about everything there is to see in war. Not a single
eyewitness account, photograph or strip of video of combat between
400,000 soldiers in the desert was produced by this battalion of
professional observers.

Most of the grisly photos from Desert Storm seen today were the
work of independent journalists who raced to the "Highway of Death"
north of Kuwait, where war planes had destroyed thousands of vehicles in
which Iraqi soldiers had fled after the start of the ground war. The
area was free of the military handlers who routinely interrupted
interviews to chastise soldiers into changing their statements while
reporters stood back, or forcibly removed film from cameras that
captured images deemed offensive by an Army public affairs officer.

Cheney, brimming with contempt and hostility for the press, saw
journalists as critics of the military who must be contained. "Frankly,
I looked on it as a problem to be managed," he said after the war. "The
information function was extraordinarily important. I did not have a lot
of confidence that I could leave that to the press."

Since being brought into government as an intern by Donald
Rumsfeld, then a congressman, Cheney has spent most of his adult life
fencing with the media and learning its strengths and weaknesses. A
stunning victory in 1991 was the media's agreement to permit the
Pentagon to censor journalists' reports before they were printed or
broadcast. In the past the Pentagon had left censorship up to individual
reporters. During 10 years of war in Vietnam, not one journalist
violated self-imposed rules against reporting, for example, specific
locations of attacks.

As a result, the conventional wisdom was that the government was
not violating the First Amendment to the Constitution: that Congress
"will make no law to abridge [. . .] freedom of the press". Only a
handful of journalists went to federal court to challenge the government
censorship imposed by Bush, Cheney and Colin Powell, chairman of the
joint chiefs of staff. The court ruled the suit moot - the war was over
- but invited the press to try again so that the issue might be settled.
It never was.

The media was more duped than cowed. Cheney won over some people
with the promise that places in the pool would give them an advantage
over competitors. For instance, a Washington Post pool reporter kept to
himself all details of a US Marine operation for exclusive use by the
Post and, later, a book.

For independent journalists, life was much more difficult. More
than 70 operating outside the pool system were arrested, detained,
threatened at gunpoint or chased from the front line. Army public
affairs officers made nightly visits to hotels and restaurants in Hafir
al Batin, a Saudi town on the Iraqi border. Reporters and photographers
would bolt from the table. The slower ones were arrested.

But when the ground war started, the mighty were hamstrung along
with the mediocre. The Associated Press, which benefited most from a
system that turned all journalists into wire service reporters, sent
photographer Scott Applewhite to cover victims of a Scud missile attack
near Dahran. The warhead had hit an American tent, killing 25 army
reservists and wounding 70. It was the single biggest loss to Saddam
Hussein during Desert Storm. Applewhite, an accredited pool member, was
stopped by US Army military police. When he objected, they punched and
handcuffed him while ripping the film from his cameras.

Cheney made sure it was just as bad for the rest of the pool.
When the ground war started, the defence secretary declared a "media
blackout", blocking all reports. After the war, General Norman
Schwarzkopf and his aides revealed that the blackout was ordered because
of fears that Saddam would use chemical weapons on allied forces.
Potential news reports of soldiers writhing in agony from a cloud of
sarin nerve gas had spooked the president and his commanders. "No
pictures of that," said General Richard Neal, who directed ground
operations during the war.

As a result, reports and film were delayed or "lost" by military
commanders so that most of it arrived too late for most deadlines. Neal
and Schwarzkopf provided the bulk of briefings and videos in Saudi
Arabia, and these were the first reports to filter through; many became
the basis of the most lasting perceptions of Desert Storm. Gun camera
footage always showed empty bridges or aircraft hangars being destroyed
by "smart bombs" - laser-guided munitions that never struck a single
human. But only 6% of the munitions used against Iraq could be guided to
a target. Over 94% were far less surgical during the 30-day air war,
which often saw 400 sorties a day. Those bombs depended on gravity and
variable winds, and were capable of causing "collateral damage" to
nearby unarmed civilians.

The global television audience was awed by Tomahawk cruise
missiles roaring from the decks of US Navy warships at sea. But less
than 10% hit their targets. The missile's accuracy depends on landmarks
that can be spotted by an on-board camera that can shift the weapon's
direction. But the featureless desert led many Tomahawks to wander away
like so many lost patrols, according to Pentagon studies.

Schwarzkopf conducted televised briefings about the allied
counterattack on Saddam's Scud missiles that had terrorised Saudi Arabia
as well as Israel. Yet an air force study after the war showed that Iraq
had ended up with as many Scud launchers as it had possessed before the
war started. A murky Schwarzkopf video showed the destruction of what
seemed to be a Scud launcher, but later turned out to be a bombed oil

Controlling the briefings, the videos and the press during Desert
Storm was an extension of US policy started by President Ronald Reagan
and his defence chief, Caspar Weinberger. It was Weinberger, an
anglophile, who admired Margaret Thatcher's manipulation of the media
during the Falklands war, which led directly to her political revival in
1982. A year later, Weinberger took control of the US media when Reagan
found himself in a deepening hole in Lebanon.

On October 23 1983, 241 US Marines died after a truck laden with
explosives destroyed a makeshift barracks at Beirut airport. The
massacre suddenly focused attention on the ageing actor's foreign policy
decisions as the reports and pictures showed the removal of American
bodies. Within 48 hours of the bombing, the president dispatched the
first wave of 5,000 American troops to Grenada in the Caribbean.

But the invasion angered Thatcher. Grenada was linked to the UK
as a member of the Commonwealth. Only the previous week, Washington had
informed London that there was no need for outside intervention, as
local political turmoil was likely to play itself out without further
bloodshed. Geoffrey Howe, Britain's foreign minister, was explicit. "The
invasion of Grenada was clearly designed to divert attention," Howe said
in an interview. "You had disaster in Beirut; now triumph in Grenada.
'Don't look there,' " he said, gesturing with his forefinger, " 'look
over here.' "

Reporters were banned from Grenada. Those who tried to land on
the island, such as Morris Thompson of Newsday, were arrested and
imprisoned on US ships offshore. All details and videos were supplied by
military reporters and photographers at Pentagon briefings.

The media barons howled, but little changed. When Bush Sr invaded
Panama in 1989, journalists were once again banned. Democratic
congressman Charles Rangle of New York still insists that as many as
5,000 civilians in Panama City were killed by US invaders. But there are
no pictures, no eyewitness accounts.

The invasion of Panama and the arrest of Manuel Noriega were,
like Desert Storm later, something of a political triumph for Bush. But
the reality of that particular war asserted itself during a televised
briefing by the president. It was just at the end of the session, when
Bush was wisecracking with reporters, that most networks split their
screens to show the arrival of dead US soldiers from Panama.

Bush was caught bantering as flag-draped coffins arrived at an
air force base in Dover, Delaware - a military mortuary. Later that
week, Bush ordered the press banned from covering the arrival ceremonies
for the fallen. President Clinton continued the ban. And his successor,
President George Bush, also wants to keep the dead out of the national

Patrick J Sloyan's reporting on the war after the end of Desert Storm won the Pulitzer prize for international reporting in 1992.© Copyright 2003 by TruthOut.org


Odd synchronicity... that at this moment in time, a film comes out that tells the legend of what we are, what we do. The USA/CIA State Dept. creates war lords in third world countries who are such monsters that later we have to go back in and destroy them along with the tens of thousands of American boys we must use for the job. With huge resulting civilian carnage. We did it with Hitler. You think not? Many Transnationals and high placed families, including Prescott Bush employers, the elegant Harrimans, supported and backed Hitler and the USA and its most prominent CEO citizens backed those transnationals. ("Trading with the Enemy" by Higham.)

We did it with HO CHI MINH. We turned him into our warlord to fight the Japs in WWII. We armed him and made him the most respected General of the region. Then he decided we were Imperialists, colonialists and were out to replace France at raping Vienam and he built a war against us which he won, embarassing us mightily!

We did it with Augstin Pinochet. Go rent Costa Gavras flick "MISSING" where this squalid little genocidal General is moved into power by the USA, led into creating a killer regime. Thirty thousand Chileans missing. We did it again with Dictator Somoza, creating liberator Manuel Noriega. We did it by kiling Arbenz in Guatemala, creating the genocidal massacres of dozens of villages were every living thing was shot or macheted. We did it with the SHAH OF IRAN who with his Secret Police death squads became such a monster that his own people had to rise up against him and then we had a coven of righteously wrathful Mullahs who loathed us which may have started the entire disaster of WWIII in the middle east, as then we had to HIRE and arm SADDAM to get the MULLAHS. And Then we had to go get SADDAM out i.e. WWIII.. Well, I don't truly believe we have to go in and get Saddam, nor do I BELIEVE THAT THEY in DC believe it. But that's beside the point. We're talking about the psychologically aberrant patterns of the THINK TANKS that are running our country into the iceberg called NAZISM.

In the spirit of studying what repeating patterns we have, and how aligned with patterns of the PAST they all are, now there's the Michael Caine film "THE QUIET AMERICAN" currently garnering oscar nominations. The film is terrific,  a colorful, lush, romantic but very insightful history of some forgotten facts behind the causes of the horrific Vietnam War.

The novel  that Brit Intelligence secret op Graham Green wrote has baby faced Brendan Fraser as a State Dept Dweeb who really is the HEAD CIA guy. No DWEEB at all! The film depicts this CIA guy naively creating, arming, appointing and believing in local warlords who turn into monsters.

I recall another novel, The UGLY AMERICAN, by Eugene Burdick of the same period, which BRANDO starred in back in the sixties. It is so similar in theme to the ‘Quiet American’ that it bears re-reading.. One wonders if Graham Green's publisher didn't have to adapt their title to the existence of the other project. Or vice versa.

 BRUCE WATSON wrote a review of QUIET AMERICAN for a Maine newspaper.

"Thursday, March 6, 2003 -- In the generation that has passed since the end of the Vietnam
War, the "Vietnam Syndrome" has come and gone. On the eve of the first Gulf War, Americans wary of "another Vietnam" were reassured by the first President Bush that it was time to put the
Vietnam Syndrome to rest. America handily trounced Iraq and the syndrome all but disappeared.

Yet now, as another George Bush steers us toward another Gulf War, many wonder if we are on the verge of another Vietnam. And along comes one of the best fictionalized accounts of that tragic war to caution us. As Yogi Berra would say, it's deja vue all over again.

Back when Graham Greene wrote "The Quiet American," Vietnam was a French problem and few Americans knew where it was. But his 1955 novel remains as timely and prophetic as ever. Faithfully brought to the screen by director Phillip Noyce ("Rabbit Proof Fence"), "The Quiet American" is haunting and intriguing. Though it lacks the strong political punch of the novel, moving performances by Michael Caine and Brendan Fraser capture the story's core while Noyce's mystical  cinematography masterfully recreates Vietnam on the verge of implosion.

"He's a good chap in his way," Greene wrote. "Serious. Not like one of those noisy bastards at the Continental. A quiet American." Greene's anti-Americanism has been toned down for the screen, yet the film version was still considered too politically incorrect to be released just after 9/11. Delay was a wise decision since current events only make the film's warning more pointed. And despite being sanitized, the warning is clear - innocence, good intentions and cultural ignorance can destroy a country.

When we first meet Alden Pyle, (Brendan) he's floating face down in a river with a knife in him. The film, like the book, is a flashback to his friendship with the narrator, the embittered British journalist Thomas Fowler (Caine).

Fowler and Pyle make an odd couple. With vast differences in age, experience, and attitude, they spar over politics. Pyle devoutly believes democracy will save a country that has no democratic traditions whatsoever, and he will stop at nothing to prove it. The two also disagree on social mores, but mostly they compete for the devotion of a stunning Vietnamese girl  named Phuong.

Greene wrote a political novel with a romance on the side. So it's sad, but perhaps inevitable that Hollywood would turn it into a romantic triangle whose politics must wait for the climax. But the romance itself is an apt metaphor. As Pyle falls for Phuong and confronts Fowler with his intentions, she becomes a symbol for her country - repressed, colonialized, and desperate to attach herself to anyone who can provide for her.

Watching the romance is as painful as watching that war. You can't help but wish both foreigners would just get out and leave Phuong and her country to their own devices. Yet as the film unfolds, Pyle proves himself not all that innocent, and Fowler must come to grips with losing his mistress or shedding his commitment to remain detached and above the fray.

There really was a "Quiet American." His name was Colonel Edward Lansdale and his covert activities in Vietnam made him a legend. Along with Greene's novel, Lansdale was also the inspiration for the 1958 novel "The Ugly American." Quite a legacy.

Unlike Alden Pyle, Lansdale did not end up floating in a river. He crafted C.I.A. covert actions in Vietnam and Cuba until he retired in 1968. (He is said to be one of the main plotters of the JFK hit.) Some consider him a hero, others a villain. But whether quiet or ugly, in watching "The Quiet American," you can't help but feel sorry for the people and the country such Americans are sent to save."

Got that review at the new http://www.news.google.com which I made my main page now.

So WHEN will the interminably righteous but really imperialist USA stop saving countries? Or claiming that we do. As we shot up civilian villages by the thousand in NAM, and survivors of Latin American massacres tell us that entire villages were razed, every man/woman baby shot, every dog macheted, and that the local death squads and armies were trained at our secret bases in AMERICA ..... to continue to do this kind of 'suspected guerillero sympathizer eradication,' we must eventually become citizens belonging to a Nazi country. And we don't know where we're drifting. WE ARE becoming THE ENEMY. We are the Nazis of our time. And we are so stupid, so uninformed that we do not know what our leaders do in our name! As liberal leftists have read the great books, it's time for the sluggish of us to follow them. Go to a bookstore, any bookstore, ask for books on the truth. Or go to http://www.abebooks.com where used books are remaindered, and ask for one of these classics.



A "Top Ten" Reading List by broadcaster David Emory:

I. Basics of Fascism, Totalitarism

They Thought They Were Free: The Germans 1933-45 Milton Mayer, 1955 University Of Chicago Press Facts And Fascism George Seldes, 1943 In-Fact Inc. New York

II. American and German Industrialists, 1920-1950

Treason's Peace: German Dies And American Dupes Howard Watson Ambruster, 1947 The Beachhurst Press NYC The Plot to Seize the White House Jules Archer, 1973 Hawthorne Books The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben

Joseph Borkin, 1979 Pocket Books New York Trading With The Enemy Charles Higham, 1983 Dell Books SC / 1983 Delacorte Press All Honorable Men James Stuart Martin, 1950 Little &Brown, New York Who Financed Hitler? James Suzanne Pool, 1978 Dial Press New York The Great Conspiracy Michael Sayers &Albert E. Kahn, 1946 Little & Brown 1947 Boni & Gehr paperback reissue Proletarian Pub S.F circa 1973.

III. The SS, Gestapo and Interpol, 1933-1945

The Order of the Death's Head Heinz Hohne, 1966 Ballantine Books New York SC Gestapo Roger Manvell 1969 Ballantine Books New York Illustrated History of World War II series The Interpol Connection Vaughn Young & Trevor Meldal-Johnsen, 1979 Dial Press

 IV. Everyday Life and Politics in Weimar and Nazi Germany

Paramilitary Politics in Weimar Germany James M. Diehl, 1977 Indiana University Press The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals Richard Plant, 1986 Henry Holt &Co. Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis Robert N. Proctor, 1988/89 Harvard University Press The Men Behind Hitler Bernhard Schreiber, 1983 Section Five Books

V. Japanese Fascism

Government by Assassination Hugh Byas, 1942 Alfred Knopf NYC The Kempeitai Richard Deacon, 1983 Berkeley Books British hardcover edition published as A History of the Japanese Secret Service 1982 Frederick Muller Ltd., London The Militarists Edwin P. Hoyt, 1985 Donald I. Fine & Co. NYC

VI. Reinhard Gehlen & his Organization:

Gehlen: Spy of the Century E.H.Cookridge, 1971 Random House 1973 Pyramid Books The General Was A Spy Heinz Hohne & Herman Zolling, 1972 Coward, McCann & Geogheagan NY British HC edition published as Network 1972 Martin Secker Warburg Ltd.

VII. The Truman Doctrine & Western Allied Intervention in Greece

The Kapetanios Dominique Eudes, 1972 Monthly Review Press NY, 1972 New Left Books London
The Dulles Leonard Mosley, 1978 Dial Press New York

VIII. The Nazi Fifth Columns during WWII: The Nazi Underground after WWII (Connections w/ the CIA and its surrogates: neo-fascists, drug smugglers and organized crime)

Klaus Barbie: The Butcher of Lyons Tom Bower, 1984 Random House NY, 1984 Michael Joseph London Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America Howard Blum, 1977 Quadrangle Books New York Undercover: My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld of America John Roy Carlson, 1943 E.P. Dutton & Co. Klaus Barbie: The Shocking Story of How the U.S. Used this
Nazi War Criminal as an Intelligence Agent Erhard Dabringhaus, 1984 Acropolis Books Ltd. Washington D.C. Aftermath: Martin Borman and the Fourth Reich Ladislas Farago, 1974 Simon & Schuster HC / '75 Avon Books SC American Swastika Charles Higham, 1985 Doubleday NYC Skorzeny: Hitler's Commando Glenn B. Infield, 1981 stMartin's Press New York;The Belarus Secret John Loftus, 1982 Alfred A. Knopf NYC Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile Paul Manning, 1981 Lyle Stuart
The Nazis Go Underground Kurt Riess, 1944 Doubleday &Doran NY
The Plot Against the Peace Michael Sayers & Albert E. Kahn, 1945 Dial Press Inc. NY Blowback Christopher Simpson, 1988 Weidenfeld &Nicolson NYC The Bormann Brotherhood William Stevenson, 1973 Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich New York HC 1974 Bantam Books SC The New Germany and the Old Nazis T.H. Tetens, 1961 Random House New York The Old Boys: The American Elite & the Origins of CIA Burton Hersh, 1992 Charles Scribner's Sons NY HC

IX. South Africa, the Third Reich and the Bomb

The Rise of the South African Reich Brian Bunting, 1969 Penguin Books Middlesex, England Reissued in 1986 by International Defense and Aid Fund (IDAF) for Southern Africa, Canon Collins House 64 EssexRd.LondonN1 8LR; The Nuclear Axis: The Secret Collaboration between West Germany and South Africa Barbara Rogers &Zdenek Cervenka, 1978 Times Books New York The Broederbond Ivor Wilkins &Hans Strydom, 1979 Paddington Press

X. The CIA-Drug Connection

The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs Intelligence and International Fascism Henrik Kruger, 1980 South End Press Boston Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD, and the Sixties Rebellion Martin A. Lee & Bruce Shlain, 1985 Grove Press New York The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia Alfred W. McCoy, 1972 Harper & Row New York The Politics of Heroin:CIA Complicity in the Global DrugTrade Alfred W. McCoy, 1991 Lawrence Hill Books (new updatedversion!) Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America by Peter Dale Scott & Jonathan Marshall
1991 University of California Press Berkeley OSS: The Secret History of America's First Central Intelligence Agency R. Harris Smith, 1972 University of Calif. Press Berkeley

XI. The Cold War and McCarthyism

The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy Fred J. Cook, 1971 Random House New York Witness to a Century: Encounters with the Noted, Notorious, & Three SOBs George Seldes, 1987 Ballantine NYC HC Friendship and Fratricide: An Analysis of Whittaker Chambers
and Alger Hiss Meyer Zeligs, 1967 Viking New York

XII. Mind Control

The Control of Candy Jones Donald Bain, 1976  Playboy Press Chicago HC/SC; Operation Mind Control Walter H. Bowart, 1978 Dell Books NYC
Operation Mind Conrol-2, Researcher's Edition Walter H. Bowart,'94.
http://www.mcn.org/cbc/Bussect/Flatland/flatland.html Flatland Press PO Box 2420 Fort Bragg, CA 95437

XIII. Assassinations

JFK The Man Who Knew Too Much Dick Russell, 1992 Carroll & Graf
Deep Politics & the Death of JFK Peter Dale Scott, 1993 University of California Press The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy William Turner & John Christian, 1978 Random House HC, 1993 Thunder's Mouth Press SC
Orders To Kil William F. Pepper, 1995 Carroll & Graf Malcolm X The Judas Factor - The Plot To Kill Malcolm X Carl Evanzz, 1992 Thunder's Mouth Press

XIV. Miscellaneous titles

A Higher Form of Killing: The Secret Story of Chemical and Biological Warfare Robert Harris and Jeremy Paxman, 1982 Hill &Wang New York
Farewell America James Hepburn, 1968 Frontier Publishers The Yankee and Cowboy War Carl Oglesby, 1976 Medallion Books  Berkeley SC
The Man Who Cried I Am John A. Williams, 1967 Little BrownNYC. 67 Signet Books/New American Library paperback edition (a novel which contains the alleged details of the "King Alfred Plan" - possible final solution 4 America's "black problem." Kiss The Boys Goodbye: How The U.S. Betrayed Its Own POW's InVietnam Monika Jensen-Stevenson /William Stevenson, 1990 Dutton; The Ultimate Evil: An Investigation into a Dangerous Satanic Cult Maury Terry, 1987 Bantam Books Intercept - But Don't Shoot; The True Story of the Flying Saucers Renato Vesco, 1971 Grove Press, Inc. HC Intercept- UFO SC '74 Pinnacle Books (first edition) '76 (2nd edition) Messengers of Deception Jacques Vallee, 1979 And/Or Press Berkeley 1980 Bantam Books SC The Splendid Blond Beast by Christopher Simpson, 1993 Grove Press
Profits of War: Inside The Secret US-Israeli Arms Network Ari Ben-Menashe, 1992 Sheridan Square The New Reich: Violent Extremism In Unified Germany and Beyond Michael Schmidt , 1993 Pantheon Books
NEW!!! Angels Don't Play This HAARP: Advances in Tesla Technology (Haarp is army project to harness Northern Lites)Jeane Manning & Dr. Nick Begich Contact: Earthpulse Press PO Box 916 Homer, AK 99603
phone 907-249-9115 The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism & German  National Socialism Stefan Kuhl, 1994 Oxford University Press HC; The Secret War Against The Jews by John Loftus and Mark Aarons, 1994 St. Martins Press HC Blood Oath: The Conspiracy to Murder Nicole Brown Simpson (and frame OJ) by Steven Worth and Carl Jaspers, 1996 Boulder Publishing, Corp.. (to order call Upper Access Books 1-800-356-9315)


Peter Dale Scott, "How Allen Dulles and the SS Preserved Each Other," Covert Action Information Bulletin, Washington, D.C., Number 25, Winter 1986.Kai Hermann, "Klaus Barbie's Bolivian Coup," Covert Action
Information Bulletin, Washington, D.C., Number 25, Winter 1986. Carl Oglesby, "Reinhard Gehlen: The Secret Treaty of Fort Hunt," Covert Action Information Bulletin, Washington, D.C., Number 35, Fall 1990.
John Loftus, _The Belarus Secret_, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1982.
Charles Higham, _Trading with the Enemy_, Delacorte Press, New York, 1983.Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, _Inside The League_, Dodd,
Mead & Co., New York, 1986. Christopher Simpson, _Blowback_, Weidenfeld & Nicholson, New York, 1988.Mark Aarons & John Loftus, _Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence_, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1991. Linda Hunt, _Secret Agenda_, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1991. Martin Lee, The BEAST Reawakens, Little Brown, l997

XVI. WTC 911 ENRON,OSAMA/BUSH ties and oil war
Robert Bayer's "SEE NO EVIL." Online http://www.john-loftus.com

And ANY BOOK WRITTEN BY MICHAEL PARENTI. JUST DO A SEARCH ON THAT NAME. And HOWARD ZINN, another great writer. His History of the United States is seminal. Is the alt viewpoint that people today need. Someone who busts the DC NAZIS on their fascist imperialism.



OIL PRICES vs. Evian water vs MAPLE SYRUP and many more.

For those of you who think of the oil industry as greedy and making
huge profits, here is a different perspective for the consumer. For those
of you who are working in the oil industry, you may be in the wrong

Cost below are for a barrel (42 gallons)

CocaCola:............... ..............$ 78.73
Milk:.................... ..... ........  $126.00
Evian Water:..................... .....$189.90
Orange Juice:...................... ...$251.16
Snapple:. ........................ . ...$267.12
Perrier Water:.... ................ . ..$328.67
Lemon Oil:.............. ..............$390.88
Crisco Oil:................... ........$435.12
Scope Mouthwash:...................$826.65
Sunflower Oil:. ................. .....$971.04
Olive Oil:....................... ..$1,324.38
Real Maple Syrup:.................$1,787.52
Sesame Oil:......................... $2,535.61
Jack Daniel's Bourbon:..........$4,133.26
Visine Eye Drops:..................$32,202.24
Flonase Prescription Nasal Spray:.$238,133.21
Saudi Light Crude:...................$8.29
Brent Crude:............................$9.99
West Texas Intermediate Crude:...$11.18
So look on the bright side. CARS do not require MAPLE SYRUP TO RUN!
Things could be WORSE!