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Conservative
Anger Grows Over Bush's Foreign Policy
By Michael Abramowitz
Washington Post
At a moment
when his conservative coalition is already under strain over domestic
policy, President Bush is facing a new and swiftly building backlash
on the right over his handling of foreign affairs.
Conservative
intellectuals and commentators who once lauded Bush for what they
saw as a willingness to aggressively confront threats and advance
U.S. interests said in interviews that they perceive timidity and
confusion about long-standing problems including Iran and North
Korea, as well as urgent new ones such as the latest crisis between
Israel and Hezbollah.
"It is
Topic A of every single conversation," said Danielle Pletka,
vice president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American
Enterprise Institute, a think tank that has had strong influence
in staffing the administration and shaping its ideas. "I don't
have a friend in the administration, on Capitol Hill or any part
of the conservative foreign policy establishment who is not beside
themselves with fury at the administration."
Conservatives
complain that the United States is hunkered down in Iraq without
enough troops or a strategy to crush the insurgency. They see autocrats
in Egypt and Russia cracking down on dissenters with scant comment
from Washington, North Korea firing missiles without consequence,
and Iran playing for time to develop nuclear weapons while the Bush
administration engages in fruitless diplomacy with European allies.
They believe that a perception that the administration is weak and
without options is emboldening Syria and Iran and the Hezbollah
radicals they help sponsor in Lebanon.
Most of the
most scathing critiques of the administration from erstwhile supporters
are being expressed within think tanks and in journals and op-ed
pages followed by a foreign policy elite in Washington and New York.
But the Bush
White House has always paid special attention to the conversation
in these conservative circles.
Conservative
Anger Grows Over Bush's Foreign Policy is continued here
Hands Off
the Net
Congress wisely resists the urge to regulate cyberspace.
By Brian C. Anderson
City Journal
Its a
good thing that Congress seems to recognizefor nowthat
regulating the Internet is an acute danger to free political speech
in America. Thanks primarily to Republican efforts, both the House
and (narrowly) the Senate have fought back a push to establish in
law the principle of network neutrality, a roster of
whose supportersfrom Hillary Clinton, MoveOn.org, and the
New York Times editorial board on the left to the Christian Coalition
on the rightincludes some of the nations leading advocates
for government regulation of the media.
What ignited
the controversy is the possibility that the information bits that
make up Internet traffic will no longer enjoy first-come, first-serve
treatment, as has generally been the case until now. Freed up by
recent Supreme Court and FCC rulings, broadband firms want to manage
more actively the data pulsing through their conduitstheir
cables, fiber optics, phone lines, or wireless connectionsoffering,
for instance, new ultra-fast delivery for sites willing to pay extra,
just as FedEx accelerates delivery of packages for a fee. They might
offer as well their own additional services, such as online video
or telephony, as part of the package.
These changes,
critics claim, will wreck the Internet. From an open commons where
surfers can access all sites on egalitarian terms, the Net will
become a world of walled gardens, where broadband
barons favor certain content (their own) and impede sites
unwilling to pay high fees or selling competitors products
or supporting controversial political views. To stop this, the reformers,
organized in a Save the Internet campaign, wanted Congress
to force Internet providers like Verizon not to discriminate
among different types of traffic based on the traffics source,
destination, or content, in the words of Net theorist David
Isenberg.
In truth, however,
mandated net neutrality is completely unnecessary.
Hands
Off the Net is continued here
American
Petrocracy
Among the shifting rationales for the war in Iraq, the most plausible
motive may be the least discussed: access to oil.
By Kevin Phillips
The American Conservative
Few lies have
wound up injuring Americans morein everything from automobile
gas tanks and winter heating bills to diminished U.S. global standingthan
a rarely revisited three-year-old fib-fest involving George W. Bush,
Donald Rumsfeld, and Tony Blair. Since World War I, history is clear:
the British and Americans have been pre-occupied with only one thing
in Iraqoil. Yet in 2003, as their troops again disembarked,
the pretense was all about good and evil, democracy and freedom.
The disastrous outcome of the unacknowledged Middle Eastern mission,
the struggle for petroleum, has rarely been discussed.
In part, thats
because a credulous press has swallowed an extraordinary fraud.
Speaking on behalf of George W. Bush, then White House Press Secretary
Ari Fleischer insisted in February 2003, If this had anything
to do with oil, the position of the United States would be to lift
the sanctions so the oil could flow. This is not about that. This
is about saving lives by protecting the American people. In
November 2002, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had likewise declared,
it has nothing to do with oil, literally nothing to do with
oil. On the other side of the Atlantic, British Prime Minister
Tony Blair told Parliament in early 2003, Let me deal with
the conspiracy theory that this has something to do with oil. There
is no way whatever that if oil were the issue, it wouldnt
be simpler to cut a deal with Saddam Hussein.
Horse manure.
In the run-up to war, from Alberta to Texas, oilmen gossiped about
the centrality of oil. Meetings of petroleum geologists buzzed about
the so-called peak oil forecast that a dangerous top
in global production was only a decade or two away. Specialized
publications guesstimated how much taking over Iraqi oil could mean
for profits and Exxon and Chevron. Polls of ordinary citizens from
Europe to Latin America and the Mideast produced similar findings:
people thought the invasion was about oil.
The Gulf War
in 1991 certainly had been.
American
Petrocracy is continued here
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