A Legislative Success Tale:
Changing Child Psychiatric Policy in Texas
John Breeding, PhD
June, 2003
Since I became a psychologist 20 years ago, I have been involved in
various efforts to change mental health policy in this country, by
writing, by speaking, by networking with other activists, and by
efforts at legislative reform. In the last several years, I have
become especially focused on helping with the effort to change the way
psychiatry (and its attendant supporters in the schools and state social
service agencies) is treating children. This essay is a story of a
particular effort here in my home state of Texas, led by the citizens
group I direct, Texans For Safe Education. My intention here is to
describe a little of what we have done here in Texas, but also to share a few principles of action that may apply to other
similar efforts. I hope it will serve to support and inspire others
who are doing this work.
Two new laws will take effect on September 1, 2003 as a result of
legislation passed in the 2003 Texas legislative session. House Bill
1406 makes in unlawful for school employees to recommend a
psychotropic drug or suggest a particular diagnosis to a parent for a child. It also makes it
illegal to exclude a child from any school activity because a parent
refuses a psychiatric evaluation, treatment or drug for a child. House
Bill 320 makes it clear that a parent's refusal to consent to a
psychiatric evaluation, treatment or drug for a child does not constitute
medical neglect; hence no grounds for a Child Protective Services (CPS)
investigation. This is a little of the story of how we accomplished this.
Establish a Clear Vision
I think the first step in an effort to make intentional change is to
get really clear about what it is you want to accomplish. This
requires really understanding two separate but related phenomena: the issue that you
want to confront, and the dynamics of the system that you want to
influence. In the case of how psychiatry deals with children in this
country, our specific concern is with the fact that child psychiatry's
prime directive is to drug children with psychoactive substances.
In 1971, when Ritalin prescription use was approaching 200,000, our
country was alarmed enough that the United States Congress convened an
investigation, and the Drug Enforcement Administration classified Ritalin
and other amphetamines as Schedule II drugs, a category that indicates
significant risk of abuse. Since that time, the explosion in use of
psychiatric drugs with children in this country has been phenomenal.
According to the Drug Enforcement Agency, there was a 700% increase in the production of Ritalin between 1990 and 1997, 90% of which is consumed in
the United States, mostly by children diagnosed with the controversial
label of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Today we have an
estimated 8,000,000 school-age children in this country on psychiatric
drugs (Breeding, 2000).
We roughly know the numbers; we definitely know the trends. We know
how it works, the key point being SELECTION (Breeding, 2003). We have figured
out, thanks especially to Thomas Szasz, that psychiatric diagnosis is not
descriptive, but prescriptive. Once an individual is selected out based on somebody's opinion of their behavior, the evaluation and diagnosis
proceed apace, leading to the ubiquitous treatment of choice, which is a drug. We
know that psychiatry is guided by a pseudoscientific belief system and
that the science is just not there to validate any of their "mental
illnesses."
And we know that the treatments are dangerous on all levels.
Perhaps more importantly, we also know that these drugs are
unnecessary, that there are reasons for disturbed or disturbing
behaviors, and that humans respond well to thoughtful, compassionate
care. We know that it is safe to trust in human nature, and that young
people develop very well when their needs are well met (Breeding, 2002).
We are very confident that we can support our young people to grow and
develop in a good way. We consider the psychiatric drugging of children
not only to be a shame and a disgrace, but probably the most clear and
present danger to young people in our country today.
The Issue of Coercion
We also know that the primary conduit of children into psychiatry is
through the schools. Not only are school employees affected by
psychiatric propaganda just like anyone else in this country, but also
they are also specifically trained to look for "diseases" like ADHD. They
select children out, pressure parents to get a psychiatric evaluation and
get their child on a psychoactive drug. We have also seen a growing
incidence of parents being threatened with accusations of medical neglect
when they resist or refuse psychiatric intervention, and we have seen what
happens when Child Protective Services is called in and violates a
family's life. We know that psychiatry is coercive at its root, and it is
this coercion of parents by the schools and by Child Protective Services
that is the focus for the initiative described in this essay. We were not
taking on psychiatry directly (as in challenging the doctors who prescribe
toxic drugs to children). Instead, we were taking on the pressure and
coercion of parents.
The Legislative Process
The second area of needed clarity is in how the system works that you
intend to influence. Inspired by the 1999 Colorado State Board of
Education resolution on psychotropic drugs in the schools, we formed
Texans For Safe Education, to see if we could accomplish a similar task with the State
Board of Education in Texas. That process makes for its own good story.
Months of lobbying the Board led to an all day hearing on November 1, 2000
on psychiatry in the schools, and 2 days later we got the 8 votes needed
to pass a strong resolution, offered by Board member Judy Strickland,
expressing serious concern about psychiatric drugs in the schools and
encouraging educators to focus on education. This was good, but it was
also non-binding, having no enforcement power. We then went back and forth
with David Anderson, the Texas Education Agency legal counsel; the end
result was that while he acknowledged that it was unlawful to require
psychotropic drugs as a condition of attending school, he would not
address issues of school personnel pressuring parents. We then failed in
our efforts to get an opinion from the attorney general, and from the
Office of Civil Rights. So we decided to take it to the legislature. Seeking redress with the
Texas legislature was not an original idea. Connecticut and Minnesota had
passed laws addressing the role of schools in psychiatry, and there was a
beginning wave of activity in other states, which has now grown
considerably (see www.ablechild.org, for a listing of state
activities).
Understanding the legislative process is a lifelong task, and not my
personal favorite. We do have some experience here in Texas, however, as
we have successfully passed a number of psychiatry-related bills over the
last 10 years, regarding electroshock, restraint, psychiatric drugs in
nursing homes, and others. The Texas Citizens Commission on Human Rights
has been especially active and effective in the legislature, and has
established many good relationships there. The director, Andy Prough, was
my best ally on this particular effort. There are many steps that must be
accomplished to make a new law; it is way easier to kill a bill than to
get one passed into law. First you have to have a bill authored by a
legislator in the House or the Senate. Both our bills (and a third,
Representative Charley Howard's HB 1070, which ended up being amended onto
House Bill 320) started in the House; HB 1406 was authored by
Representative Betty Brown, HB 320 by Chairman Kent Grusendorf. The next
step was to get a committee hearing in the House, then to get it passed out of committee. Then it goes to
Calendars, which schedules bills for a vote by the full House, and in
which a good many bills die. Then it goes to the Senate, where you have to
get a sponsor; Senator Troy Fraser took HB 320, Senator Todd Staples took HB
1406. Then follows a Senate committee hearing, then a vote by the Senate.
Then it is done...maybe. In Utah last year, a great bill by Assemblywoman
Kathy Bryson passed, and was vetoed by the governor! So the governor has
to sign the bill.
There are many other subtleties. There were many delays in the Texas
legislature this session. You may have heard about the controversial
legislative tussles, or the flight of the so-called Killer Ds to
Oklahoma for a week. In any event, many bills died for lack of time.
We got HB 1406 passed on the very last day it could be passed by the Senate. That was in
the "local and consent" calendar, as opposed to the general calendar where
the Senate debates and votes on the bill. Local and consent is usually
reserved for resolutions and non-controversial bills, which are
rubber-stamped on through the morning they are scheduled with only two
senators in the room (a 31-0 vote is recorded). Sometimes, however, a bill
is scheduled there because time is running out, and the referring
committee has presumably worked out the conflicts. There were many on 1406
with school districts and the Texas Education Agency and schoolteacher
groups, and, of course, the psychiatric lobby weighing in. So we needed local and
consent after many delays, and it looks good. The huge catch is that a
dissenting Senator can show up and "drop a card," and the bill is dead.
Although we had double billed it to the general calendar as well, the odds
of getting it heard there in the last day crush were not good. We counted
on no senator being willing to pay the price of angering colleagues after
a consensus had been reached. I was very nervous as I watched that
morning. A doctor Senator was reading the bills, and our main antagonist
on our other bill was standing by. Fortunately, they took no negative
action, and the bill passed.
Give Your Best Effort
I shared some of the details above to give you a feel for how much is
involved in getting legislation passed. You really do have to know how it
works. Even then, of course, you may still lose; an opponent in a key
committee chair position can doom your bill no matter how hard you work.
Without knowing how it works, however, you are guaranteed to lose. We did
very well in the House, thanks to the fact that we lucked into and
cultivated alliance with very influential legislators. The Senate was a
bear, however, probably mainly due to the fact that the psychiatric
association sent a very smooth, well-connected lobbyist against us. He
could do in minutes what took us days (or maybe never) because he had
direct access to the Senators. That one on a key committee apparently owed
him a favor almost killed HB 320. With a week to go, we took a terrible
shot. He got it amended from all psychotropic drugs to stimulant drugs for
ADHD. One way we fought back was to bring parents down and talk to the
Senators. But we also hired our own professional to help bring these two bills home.
Since the Senate version of HB 320 was not acceptable, the bill author
(Grusendorf) did not concur. So this bill went to a conference committee,
meaning many more steps to be done in very quick order. Our lobbyist
shepherded us through this process, and the corrected bill passed at about
9pm Sunday night, 3 hours before sine die.
Like so many worthy endeavors, legislative action is very hard work.
We began two years ago with a series of educational letters and a few
visits to legislators. We worked hard in advance, and we showed up almost
every day during the session. We had 6 hearings to orchestrate with 3
different committees to educate and influence. When the psychiatry
lobbyist demonstrated his prowess in the Senate, we were thrown for a loop
with two weeks to go. He almost orchestrated a coup on Friday, and we were in
trouble on HB 320. We went home tired and upset, but we decided to
give ti our very best and go down fighting if we were going down. We
called on our best parent allies, and all four of them showed up
Monday morning. We pulled Senators off the floor and told them hurried
stories of dead children and school coercion. I played the fool as I
grabbed a Representative not once but twice who I mistook for a Senator on
the Education committee. We lost the vote on the amendment that day, but
we are convinced that our effort shifted the energy, as the Committee
chair said it was still a "work in progress," and the Senator who carried
the Psychiatrists' amendment did not look too happy about it. In the end,
he told Senator Fraser that he would stay out of it as we went to
conference. Also that weekend, I called a very well-respected insurance
lobbyist who had been one of our positive votes back in 2000 when he was
on the State Board of Education. I implored him to help us; he was too
busy, but he referred us to another lobbyist who we called and met Monday
morning and hired on the spot for the last two weeks. He made all the
difference as we handled all the details and communications to pull this
off.
My friend, Andy, told me about the movie, "Ali," where the former
champion is in a fight for his life in Zaire against George Foreman. He is
talking to himself on the stool between rounds, saying something like, "Do
you have what it takes? Can you keep going with a busted jaw and swollen
eyes, and where the next punch might kill you? You better know that you
are going to have to kill me to win this fight!" I checked out the film and watched it,
and drew inspiration as I had a lot at stake and was not going down
without my very best effort.
Keep Communicating and Be Honest
Most people know very little about your issue, and the education
process requires time and persistence, clear, simple and frequent
communication. Our home stretch lobbyist is a student of politics, and he
told us about two kinds of communications. One is strategic, like when a
couple of Senators walked out of the room before the key committee vote on
HB 320, not to vote for or against, but in effect allowing the amendment
to go through. This kind of communication avoids confronting the truth.
The other type of communication is content oriented, telling the truth as
you see it about the issues. To be effective, you need to know something
about strategic communications, but it is telling the truth that really
influences policy, and in our work it is the way we should and must go. Over time, truth
moves people, and in the meantime, the spirit remains with you. Being
honest is crucial for this reason, but also because nothing will get you
killed more effectively than being caught in a lie.
Make no Assumptions
Don Miguel Ruiz, author of The Four Agreements, says that by making
this one agreement, you can completely transform your life. I found it to
be a profound key in our efforts at the legislature. One time, we assumed
a key player was against us, and I went to check this out, and found out
what we really needed to make it work. The reverse happened, too, where an
assumed vote is not necessarily there; maybe it was yesterday, but not today. More than once, our diligence in communication found instances where
something was supposed to have been handled but was not. Make no
assumptions.
Anyone who has a bit of a shyness pattern like me, or who does not
like to be pushy and bother busy people is going to have a hard time with an
effort like this. So it was hard for me. The fact is that there is so much
noise (busyness) in the legislature that it is hard to be heard. It is
very difficult to become and remain a priority, easy to be ignored and
forgotten. So we keep communicating on all levels.
Cultivate and Enjoy Relationships
It really is all about relationships. The problem we are confronting
is about failed relationships-with our children, and between adults.
The process of successful policy change completely hinges on
relationships. Start with your team of close allies and partners who
are committed to the initiative. These relationships must be cultivated, and they can be so
enjoyable. Working together with meaning and purpose is a fantastic way to be together and get close.
Two sources are necessary in this type of effort and we had both. One is
the "experts" like myself, a couple of legal allies, and a couple of
school counselor/psychologist types who could speak from experience in the
schools. The other, probably even more important, are the individual
parents who could tell their true stories about coercion and harm.
Connecting with other groups is also a key. As an example, we had
Eagle Forum and the Texas Home School Coalition on our team.
Grassroots support is vital. All those relationships, faces and
stories are carried forward as you speak with individuals and testify in
the halls of power. These people are also needed to communicate to the
legislators, and let them know this is a real concern out there. We have been building
relationships for a few years, and it makes all the difference. There were
a couple of great examples where this grassroots community work really
paid off. On one Monday night before a Tuesday hearing, we had lost two of
our star witnesses to other commitments, and I was concerned. I got home
that night to an email message form a mom who had an incident that day in
a local school in which a memo from the school nurse to all school
employees singing the praises of Strattera for parents who did not like
Ritalin was handed to her and the father, even after years of repeated
strong no drug assertions. This memo turned out to be our "smoking gun" as
the father testified in the subsequent hearing and others on down the
line. Another time, we needed a parent, and a couple showed up at the fourth Saturday public forum my
non-profit leads at a local library. The father testified at a hearing
that week, and became a key member of our team.
Developing relationships with the legislators, and especially their
staff members who must carry the ball and do so much work to get a
bill moving, is essential. It is crucial to avoid getting so caught
up in the content and righteousness of your cause that you fail to see and recognize, and
get in rapport with the real individuals with whom you are or will be
working. A little affinity goes a very long way, and the experience
becomes so much more enjoyable.
Responsibility
When I was working on the State Board Of Education initiative, I
learned a big lesson. We were working so hard, and doing so much. We
had a great ally on the Board who was willing to carry our resolution;
she was interested and supportive, but still it was our resolution. At
some point, perhaps in the face of some testy opposition, perhaps with
the help of a personal story or two, this resolution became not just
ours, but it was Judy Strickland's resolution. She took leadership,
and she got it done. I have seen this dynamic again and again now;
people will go a little ways out of duty or out of curiosity. They
will go a little further out of regard or affinity for you. To go the
distance, however, requires one or both of these two things: a very
close, committed relationship, and/or an ownership of the initiative.
An effort is successful to the extent that individuals are influenced
enough to take a personal stake in making change happen. We were
fortunate that Texas legislators and their staff decided that it was
important to defend parents' rights to make psychiatric treatment
decisions for their children, without coercion.
References
Breeding, J. (1996, 2003) The Wildest Colts Make The Best Horses.
Austin, TX: George Wier & Co.
Breeding, J. (2000) Does ADHD Even Exist? The Ritalin Sham.
Mothering, July/August, pp. 43-47.
Breeding, J. True Nature and Great Misunderstandings:
How We Care For Our Children According To Our Understanding.
Virtual Bookworm, 2002.
The author's website has a great deal of information on issues related to the subject of this essay. |